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XV.— THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PARTY  UPON  LEGISLATION  IN  ENGLAND 
AND  AMERICA. 


By    A.    LAWRENCE     LOWELL, 
PROFESSOR,  HARVARD  UNIVERSITY. 


319 


CNRV  MORSE 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PARTY  UPON  LEGISLATION   IN  ENGLAND 
AND  AMERICA. 


By  Prof.  A.  LAWRENCE  LOWELL. 


The  extraordinary  development  and  permanence  of  political 
parties  in  every  large  democratic  country  has  of  late  years 
attracted  universal  attention;  and  in  America  the  growing 
sense  of  the  importance  of  party  in  public  life  has  been  shown 
not  only  in  the  discussions  of  observers  and  reformers,  but 
also  by  the  laws  now  enacted  in  almost  every  State  in  the 
Union  to  regulate  the  party  machinery.  Political  organ iza-  ~j 
tions  have  emerged  from  the  twilight  of  private  collections  of 
men  whose  proceedings  concern  no  one  else,  mto  the  strong 
glare  that  falls  on  associations  of  a  public  character  whose 
action  affects  the  entire  community.  And  yet  we  are  singu 
larly  ignorant  of  the  real  influence  which  party  exerts  upon  i 
public  affairs.  >  We  hear  much  general  denunciation  of  its 
action,  much  talk  of  party  dictation,  and  recently  some  polit 
ical  theories  have  been  based  upon  the  assumption  that  political 
action  in  America  is  almost  entirely  determined  by  the  party 
machines.  But  a  careful  observation  of  current  politics  seems  ' 
to  show  that  the^eEemence  in  the  outcry  against  partyjand 
in  the  complaint  of  ifs  despotism  by  no  means  always  corre 
sponds  with  the  actual  extent  of  its  power. 

It  seems  useful,  therefore,  to  examine  carefully  the  control 
of  party  over  the  work  of  legislative  bodies;  for  this  is  at  the 
same  time  one  of  the  most  vital  fields  of  political  activity,  and 
one  in  which  it  is  difficult  to  form  an  accurate  estimate  of  the_  ( 
extent  of  party  influence  without  thorough  statistics.  With 
that  object  in  view,  a  study  has  been  made  of  the  English 
Parliament,  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  and  several 
State  legislatures;  the  number  of  members  of  each  party  who 
voted  for  or  against  every  question  in  the  course  of  a  session 
H.  Doc.  702,  pt.  1 21  321 

511242 


322  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

being1  tabulated  wherever  the  names  are  recorded;  that  is, 
whenever  a  division,  or  a  vote  by  yeas  and  nays,  took  place. 
In  the  ease  of  Parliament,  normal  sessions  of  the  House  of 
Commons  have  been  selected  at  intervals  of  about  ten  years 
since  1836 — the  year  when  the  division  lists  were  first  printed— 
so  that  the  tables  show  both  the  amount  of  party  voting1  at  any 
one  moment,  and  the  tendency  to  change  with  the  course  of 
time.  In  America,  where  a  general  law  of  change  does  not 
appear  so  clearly,  the  examination  has  been  less  extensive 
L  historically,  and  is  more  nearly  confined  to  existing  conditions." 
As  the  labor  required  to  compile  these  statistics  is  very 
great,  it  seemed  worth  while  to  print,  not  only  a  general  sum 
mary  of  the  results,  but  also  the  materials  on  which  those 
results  are  based,  in  order  that  anyone  interested  in  the  sub 
ject  may  be  enabled  to  use  them  in  connection  with  an  inves 
tigation  of  his  own.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  sessions, 
therefore,  which  have  been  omitted  because  they  do  not 
throw  any  additional  light  on  the  problem,  the  tables  at  the 
end  of  this  paper  contain,  for  each  of  the  sessions  examined, 
a  list  of  all  the  divisions,  or  yea-and-nay  votes,  not  unanimous, 
with  a  brief  statement  of  the  question  voted  upon  and  the 
number  of  members  of  each  of  the  principal  parties  who 
voted  yes  and  no.''  In  attempting  to  condense  into  a  single 
line  an  abstract  of  the  question  at  issue  it  is  often  impos 
sible  to  present  its  full  significance,  or  to  explain  the  exact 
state  of  the  parliamentary  procedure  under  which  it  arose, 
but  it  is  hoped  that  enough  has  been  given  to  make  the 
nature  of  the  subject-matter  involved  clear,  and  a  marginal 
reference  to  the  number  of  the  division  in  England/ or  to  the 
page  of  the  legislative  journal  in  America,  will  make  it  possi 
ble  to  identify  readily  the  vote  if  necessary.  From  these  lists 
unanimous  votes  are  omitted,  because  to  insert  them  seemed 
unnecessary,  and,  in  fact,  they  occur  only  in  consequence  of 
a  peculiar  procedure.  No  one  would,  of  course,  care  to 
insist  upon  a  call  of  the  roll  when  there  was  no  opposition; 
and  hence  the  names  of  the  persons  voting  in  such  cases  would 

flThe  statistics  for  several  sessions  of  Congress  and  for  the  New  York  legislature  were 
worked  out  for  the  writer  more  fully  than  they  can  be  presented  here,  by  Mr.  J.  B.  Stud- 
ley,  of  the  Harvard  Law  School,  whose  systematic  method  of  attacking  the  subject  has 
been  an  invaluable  assistance. 

ftOnly  the  members  actually  voting  are  counted.  Pairs  are  left  out  of  account,  and  so, 
in  accordance  with  the  usual  Kuglish  practice,  are  the  tellers  in  the  House  of  Commons. 

••The  numbers  set  against  the  divisions]  in  the  table  for  1836  are  those  of  the  writer. 
The  oilicial  lists  of  divisions  were  not  numbered  at  that  time. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.       323 

not  be  recorded  were  it  not  that  in  a  number  of  States  the 
constitution  requires  a  yea-and-nay  vote  on  the  final  passage 
of  every   bill.      Under  these  circumstances  M±e  quantity  ot'1 
unanimous  votes  is  sometimes  prodigious.     In  the  senate  of 
New  York,  for  example,  there  were  in  the  session  of  1899 
1,235    yea-and-nay   votes,    of    which   961   were  unanimous,  j 
Except  for  the  provision  in  the  constitution  there  would  have 
been  no  roll  call  on  these  votes,  and  to  include  them  in  our 
list  would  merely  swell  the  tables  inordinately,  without  any 
corresponding  advantage. 

In  the  tables  some  abbreviations  have  been  used,  but  these, 
such  as  "adj."  for  adjourn,  "2  R."  and  "  3  R."  for  second  and 
third  reading,  or  "6  mos."  for  a  motion  that  the  bill  be  read 
this  day  six  months,  will  be  obvious  to  anyone  familiar  with 
parliamentary  procedure.  The  only  symbol  that  might  not  be 
readily  understood  is  that  of  u(vs)"  in  the  House  of  Commons. 
A  motion  there  is  often  put.  not  in  the  form  in  which  it  is 
made,  but  reversed.  Thus,  if  a  motion  is  made  to  amend  a 
bill  by  omitting  certain  words  in  order  to  substitute  others, 
the  question  is  often  put  in  the  form 1 1  that  the  words  proposed  to 
be  left  out  stand  part  of  the  bill."  This  putting  of  a  question 
backward  is  very  common  in  the  case  of  many  kinds  of 
motions,  and  the  (vs)  is  inserted  to  show  that  it  has  been  done. 

The  tables  for  the  different  sessions  are  followed  by  an  ap 
pendix  giving  summaries  of  the  results  in  a  comparative  form, 
and  in  preparing  these  it  has  been  found  convenient  to  use 
symbols  to  denote  the  extent  of  party  voting.  A  party 
vote  of  any  party  is  arbitrarily  defined  as  one  in  which  more 
than  nine-tenths  of  those  of  its  members  who  voted  were  on 
the  same  side  of  the  question;  a  non-party  vote  as  one  in  which 
one-tenth  or  more  of  the  members  are  found  on  each  side — 
that  is,  a  vote  where  at  least  one-tenth  of  the  voting  members 
of  the  party  split  off  from  the  rest.  A  party  vote  is  indicated 
in  the  table  by  an  asterisk,  a  nonparty  vote  by  a  dagger.  For 
every  division  or  vote  the  attitude  of  the  two  leading  parties, 
and  only  those  two,  is  taken  into  account,  and  hence  there  are 
for  every  vote  two  marks,  one  for  each  of  the  two  chief  parties. 
In  England  the  first  mark  always  refers  to  the  vote  of  the 
Conservatives,  the  second  mark  to  that  of  the  Liberals,01  while 
for  America  the  first  mark  indicates  the  Republican6  and 
the  second  the  Democratic  vote.  Thus,  the  symbol  *f,  for 

a  In  1836  I  have  called  the  party  Reformers.     6  In  the  Twenty-ninth  Congress  Whigs. 


324  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

example,  means  that  the  Republicans  cast  a  party  vote  on  the 
question  at  issue  and  that  the  Democrats  did  not.  The  actions 
of  anv  smaller  political  groups,  though  included  in  the  tables, 
are  omitted  from  the  summaries  because  in  Anglo-Saxon 
countries,  where  there  are  almost  always  two  main  parties, 
the  small  groups  have  little  effect  upon  the  question  of  the  con 
trol  of  legislation  by  party,  and  the  attempt  to  include  them 
in  the  summary  would  either  produce  a  false  impression  or 
make  the  symbols  extremely  complicated. 

It  sometimes  happens  that  both  parties  vote  on  the  same 
side.  Clearly  such  a  case  ought  to  be  distinguished  from 
those  where  the}'  vote  upon  opposite  sides,  and  hence  wher 
ever  either  party  casts  a  party  vote  upon  the  same  side  of  a 
question  as  the  majority  of  the  other  party  the  two  marks  are 
inclosed  in  brackets.  To  use  the  illustration  already  given, 
the  symbol  (*f)  shows  that  the  Republicans  cast  a  party  vote, 
while  the  Democrats  did  not.  but  that  the  majority  of  both 
parties  voted  the  same  way. 

In  order  to  bring  the  results  into  a  tabular  form  for  the 
purpose  of  comparison,  the  h'nal  summary  gives  in  four  col 
umns,  for  the  several  sessions  of  the  bodies  examined,  the 
number  of  occasions  (1)  where  there  were  party  votes  of 
both  parties  on  opposite  sides,  that  is.  true  party  votes,  indi 
cated  thus  *  *;  (^)  the  occasions  where  one  party  cast  a  party 
vote  and  the  other  party  did  not,  but  where  the  majorities  of 
the  two  parties  were  opposed,  and  these  include,  of  course, 
both  *f  and  f*;  (3)  the  cases  where  this  happened,  but  the 
majorities  of  the  two  parties  were  on  the  same  side,  that  is, 
(*t)  and  (f*),  and  (4)  the  number  of  instances,  marked  thus  ft, 
where  neither  party  cast  a  party  vote.  Each  of  the  columns 
is  followed  by  another  giving  the  percentage,  an  arrangement 
which  shows  at  a  glance  the  comparative  extent  of  party  vot 
ing  in  the  different  bodies  examined. 

From  this  h'nal  summary  there  have  been  omitted  not  only 
the  unanimous  votes,  but  those  which  were  nearly  unanimous— 
that  is,  where  more  than  nine-tenths  of  both  parties  voted 
on  the  same  side.  Such  votes  occur,  either  where  a  third 
party,  like  the  Home  Rulers  in  England,  is  forcing  divisions 
resisted  b\-  both  of  the  main  sections  of  the  House,*1  or  where, 

«In  the  sessions  of  the  House  of  Commons  selected,  the  number  of  such  votes  never 
exceeds  seven,  except  in  1881,  when  it  reaches  the  enormous  figure  of  212,  these  being 
on  questions  brought  forward  by  the  Home  Rulers,  and  opposed,  almost  solidly,  by 

r<>ii-«TYniivrv  Mini  i.il>«-ral-  alike. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        325 

as  in  some  of  the  State  legislatures,  a  yea-and-nay  vote  is 
required  on  the  passage  of  every  bill;  and  in  neither  case  can 
the  number  of  such  votes  be  fairly  taken  into  account  in  esti 
mating  the  comparative  amount  of  party  voting  in  the  body. 
The  results  of  the  summaries  are  further  displayed  graph 
ically  in  charts,  the  lengths  of  whose  columns  show  for  every 
session  the  percentage  of  each  of  the  four  classes  of  votes. 
The  proportion  of  cases  where  both  parties  cast  party  votes 
is  indicated  by  the  black  column  at  one  end,  the  non-party 
votes  by  the  shaded  column  at  the  other,  while  the  mixed 
votes  are  shown  by  the  two  columns  that  lie  between,  the  cases 
where  the  party  vote  of  one  party  and  the  majority  of  the 
other  were  on  opposite  sides  appearing  in  a  column  alternately 
shaded  and  black,  and  the  cases  where  they  were  on  the  same 
side  being  portrayed  by  narrow  black  and  shaded  columns  side 
by  side.  The  columns  are  so  drawn  that  one  per  cent  of  the 
total  number  of  divisions  in  the  session a  is  represented  by 
a  sixteenth  of  an  inch,  the  combined  length  of  all  four  columns 
being  always  six  and  two-thirds  inches.  By  looking,  therefore, 
at  the  relative  amounts  of  black  and  shaded  surface  one  can 
readily  compare  at  sight  the  proportion  of  party  votes  in  differ 
ent  legislative  bodies,  or  in  the  same  body  at  different  times.6 

ENGLAND.! 
~> 

In  choosing  sessions  of  the  English  Parliament  for  examina 
tion,  an  effort  has  been  made  to  avoid,  as  far  as  possible, 
those  in  which  a  change  of  ministry  occurred,  or  which  were 
for  any  other  reason  abnormal.  The  ones  selected  were  1836, 

1850,  1860,  1871,  1881,  1894,  and  1899/; 

a  Excluding,  as  already  stated,  unanimous  and  nearly  unanimous  votes. 

b  A  careful  observer  may  note  slight  discrepancies  between  the  charts  and  the  summary. 
These  are  due  to  corrections  made  in  the  summary  after  the  charts  were  photographed. 
None  of  the  changes,  however,  were  of  sufficient  size  to  make  it  worthwhile  to  draft  the 
charts  afresh. 

c  Years  in  which  a  change  of  ministry  or  a  dissolution  took  place  or  a  great  war  was 
raging  have  been  avoided. 

For  1836.  1850,  1860,  1871,  and  1894,  the  printed  division  lists  were  used,  but  for  the 
other  two  years,  1881  and  1899,  these  were  not  to  be  had  at  the  time  the  tables  were  made 
up.  For  1881  the  figures  are  taken  from  the  Parliamentary  Buff  Book,  compiled  in  that 
year  from  the  division  lists  by  Mr.  T.  N.  Roberts.  For  1899  the  lists  of  divisions  were 
taken  from  Hansard,  which  has  recently  begun  to  print  them  again.  Unfortunately,  it 
has  been  impossible  to  procure  absolutely  complete  lists  for  any  of  these  years  except 
1881  and  1894.  For  each  of  the  other  years  one  or  more  divisions  are  omitted  from  the 
collection  of  lists,  and  these  are  noted  in  the  following  tables.  But  as  the  number  of 
divisions  omitted  does  not  exceed  seven  in  any  year,  the  possible  error  is  very  small,  so 
small  as  to  be  hardly  perceptible  in  the  percentage  of  results. 


32<>  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

It  has  not  always  been  easy  to  classify  all  the  members  of 
Parliament  under  their  respective  parties,  especially  on 
account  of  the  habit  that  prevailed  with  a  number  of  public 
men.  during1  the  middle  portion  of  the  century,  of  styling 
themselves  officially  Liberal-Conservatives.  Of  these  men, 
some  had  really  become  Liberals  and  some  Conservatives;  but 
the  task  of  classifying  them  is  rendered  less  difficult  by  the 
curious  psychological  fact  that  most  of  them,  though  disliking 
to  call  themselves  by  a  party  name,  were  unusually  constant 
in  going  into  the  lobby  with  the  party  whip.  A  more  serious 
difficulty  arises  in  dealing  with  certain  semidetached  groups 
of  members.  Ought  the  Radicals  or  Home  Rulers,  for 
example,  to  be  classed  at  a  particular  time  as  Liberals  or  not? 
It  is  evident  that  this  will  affect  the  result  materially,  for  as 
they  did  not  vote  with  the  Liberal  whips  as  steadily  as  the 
other  members  of  the  party,  to  exclude  them  increases  the 
apparent  amount  of  party  voting,  and  to  include  them  dimin 
ishes  it.  In  deciding  this  matter  the  writer  has  been  guided 
by  the  prevailing  attitude  of  the  group  during  the  session  in 
question.  The  Radicals  have,  in  fact,  been  classed  throughout 
as  Liberals,  for  although  they  appear  in  the  table  of  votes  for 
lSf>0  in  a  distinct  column,  their  votes  have  been  added  to  those 
of  the  Liberals  in  computing  the  party  votes  and  in  compiling 
the  summary  of  results.  The  Home  Rulers,  on  the  other 
hand,  have  been  classed  as  a  separate  party  in  1850,  18S1,  and 
181)9,  while  in  IS94  both  sections  of  the  Nationalists  are  treated 
as  members  of  the  Liberal  party/'  In  the  other  sessions  con 
sidered  the  Irish  members  do  not  appear  as  a  distinct  group. 
On  the  other  side  of  the  House  the  Peelites  are  excluded  in 
1850,  but  the  Conservatives  and  Liberal  Unionists  are  counted 
together  as  one  party  in  1894  and  1899.* 

f  A  glance  at  the  summary  of  results  shows  ajgroat  change1 
in_the  amount  of  party  voting  in  the  House  of  Commons  from 
183(>  to  the  end  of  the  century;  a  change,  moreover,  that  is 
p  r<  >gresslve  ,  not  spasmodic,  and  therefore  due  not  to  acciden 
tal  but  to  permanent  causes.  I_n_1836_the  pr(>l)()rt'()n  of  diyi- 

on  opposite  sides  is 


n  It  makes,  in  fact,  no  difference  in  the  results  whether  the  small  Ixnly  of  1'arnellites 
is  counted  in  1894  with  the  Liberals  or  not. 

&In  America  the  question  is  less  important,  because  in  the  sessions  selected  the  third 
parties  have  been  small.  The  manner  in  which  they  have  tie-en  treated  is  noted  in  the 

<umiiinrv  of  n-ult-. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        327 

-1 

22,65  per  cent.  This  diminishes  in  1S50  to  L5.cS<)  percent,  jind 
in!860  to  6.22  per  cent.  It  then  rises,  in  1S71,  to  35.16  per 
cent,  in  ISSl  to  -Mi. 7:5  p«'r  cent,  and  in  ls(,»4  reaches  7<J.":>  per 
cent,  falling  a  trifle  in  1899,  to  68.95  per  cent.  />  This  last  fall, 
by  the  way,  is  largely  counterbalanced  by  the  great  increase  in 
1899  over  1894  in  the  divisions  where  a  party  vote  was  cast  by 
one  party  and  the  majorities  of  the  two  parties  were  on  oppo 
site  sides,  and  the  corresponding  decrease  in  the  cases  where 
the  majorities  of  the  two  parties  were  on  the  same  side.  The 
column  of  divisions  where  neither  side  of  the  House  cast  a 
party_vote_telj^  the  same  st(>ry.  The  proportion  of  these 
divisions  in  ls:-><;  was  -jr».U7  percent.  It  increased  until  IM'.O. 
when  it  was  50.19  per  cent,  and  then  diminished  every  ten 
years  until  in  1894  it  was  only  4. 13  percent,  and  finally  almost 
vanished  in  1S99,  with  2.28  per  cent. 

It  would  appear,  therefore,  that  the  amount  of  parly  voting 
in  t.hp.  House  of  Commons  diminished  until  about  the  middle 
of  the  century,  and  since  that  time  has  increased  steadily._j 
The figures  place  the  lowest  point  in  I860,  but  it  would  prob 
ably  be  more  correct  to  place  it  earlier,  for  this  is  a  case 
where  the  attempt  to  group  the  members  into  parties  is  mis 
leading.  In  the  table  for  1860  all  the  members  of  the  House 
are  classed  as  Conservatives  or  Liberals,  whereas  in  1850  they 
are  classed  as  Protectionists,  Peelites,  Liberals,  and  Repealers, 
and  in  computing  the  amount  of  party  voting,  only  the  Pro 
tectionists  and  Liberals,  as  the  two  principal  parties,  are  taken 
into  account.  The  fact  is  that  in  1850  the  House  was  so 
broken  into  independent  groups  that  it  is  impossible  to  divide 
it,  as  in  1860,  into  supporters  and  opponents  of  the  Govern 
ment.  The  disintegration  of  parties  was,  indeed,  greater  in 
the  years  that  followed  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws,  and  the 
fall  of  Sir  Robert  Peel,  in  1846,  than  at  any  other  period  since 
the  reform  bill  of  1832,  and  hence  it  is  at  this  time  that  taking, 
not  the  two  chief  parties  alone,  but  the  House  as  a  whole, 
party  voting  was  really  at  its  lowest  point. 

The  change  in  the  amount  of  party  voting,  indicating  as  it 
does  the  strength  of  party  cohesion,  and  the  extent  of  control 
of  the  leaders  over  their  followers,  finds  its  expression  also  in 
the  rise  and  fall  of  the  number  of  defeats  for  the  Government 
in  the  different  sessions  of  Parliament.  Such  defeats  can  easily 
be  recognized  in  the  lists  of  divisions  in  the  tables  below, 


•  J^  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

because  for  each  division  where  the  Government  whips  were 
tellers,  an  "aye"  or  "»ov  in  the  first  column  of  the  table 
shows  the  side  on  which  they  acted.  It  will  be  observed, 
therefore,  that  in  1836  the  Government  suffered  only  one 
defeat,  in  1850  they  suffered  twelve,  in  1800  seven,  in  1871 
nine,  in  1881  three,  in  1894  one,  and  in  1899  none. 

The  number  of  defeats  in  any  particular  session  is,  of  course, 
largely  a  matter  of  accident,  and  is,  moreover,  liable  to  be 
swelled  to  an  inordinate  amount  when,  as  in  1868,  a  ministry 
is  struggling  for  existence  without  a  majority  in  the  House. 
Still,  in  the  long  run,  it  varies  inversely  with  the  strength  of 
the  hold  that  the  treasury  bench  has  over  its  party,  and  the 
last  table  at  the  end  of  this  paper,  giving  the  total  number  of 
Government  defeats  in  the  House  of  Commons  in  each  session 
since  1847,  certainly  shows,  though  with  some  fluctuations, 
that  they  have  tended  to  diminish  steadily  from  the  middle  to 
the  end  of  the  century.  The  jagged  line  in  the  chart  for  the 
House  of  Commons,  and  still  better  the  special  chart  which 
follows  it,  show  this  result  graphically,  the  line  being  for 
each  year  as  many  eighths  of  an  inch  above  the  base  of  the 
chart  as  there  were  defeats  for  the  Government  during  the 
session. 

Another  piece  of  evidence  that  leads  to  the  same  conclusion 
is  to  be  found  in  the  extent  to  which  the  members  of  the 
party  in  power  vote  against  their  own  ministers.  A  state 
ment  of  the  number  of  times  a  majority  of  the  party  in  power 
went  into  the  lobby  against  the  Government  whips  is  inserted 
at  the  end  of  the  table  of  divisions  for  each  session,  and  it 
will  be  seen  that  in  1836  this  happened  four  times;  in  1850 
twelve  times;  in  1860  three  times,  while  on  three  more  occa 
sions  the  party  was  evenly  divided.  In  1871  it  occurred  eight 
times;  in  1881  twice,;  in  1894  twice,  if  the  Home  Rulers  are 
not  counted  in  the  ranks  of  the  Liberals,  and  five  times  if 
they  are  included,  and  finally,  in  1899,  when  the  Conserva 
tives  were  in  power,  not  only  did  it  not  happen  at  all,  but 
never  did  so  much  as  one-fifth  of  the  Unionists  who  took  part 
in  the  division  vote  against  the  Government.  ^During  the 
middle  period  of  the  century  it  was  not  uncommon  for  a  cab 
inet  to  be  saved  from  defeat  at  the  hands  of  its  own  followers 
by  the  help  of  its  opponents.  Now  such  occurences  bavej^e- 

n ir  rare. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        329 


Nor  is  this  due  to  the  fact  that  cabinets,  for  fear  of  defeat, 
have  grown  cautious  and  leave  questions  open  more  than 
formerly.  On  the  contrary,  with  the  decay  of  legislation  by 
private  members-  bills,  the  proportion  of  divisions  in  which 
the  Government  whips  are  tellers  has  increased.  In  1836  it 
was  less  than  one-half,  but  in  the  sessions  of  1891  and  1899 
it  was  not  far  from  nine-tenths;  and  that  this  progress,  though 
somewhat  irregular  if  taken  from  year  to  year,  has  been  on 
the  whole  continuous  is  made  evident  by  comparing  a  series 
of  sessions  together.  Taking  the  ten  years  from  1851  to  1860, 
inclusive,  the  Government  whips  were  tellers  in  69.91  percent 
of  the  divisions,  and  in  the  years  1878  to  1887  in  81.81  percent. 

The  tendency  toward  greater  party  cohesion  in  England  i 
not  conlined  to  any  one  party,  for_altbough  the  Liberals  have 
always  been  more  independent  than  the  Conservatives,  and 
less  willing  to  follow  implicitly  the  guidance  of  their  chiefs, 
yet  the  change  of  which  we  are  speaking  has  not  been  less 
marked  in  their  case.  >  Their  proportion  of  party  votes,  while 
always  smaller  than  that  of  the  Conservatives,  has  borne 
to  it  a  ratio  not  very  far  from  constant.  If  we  take  those 
proportions,  calculated  for  the  years  under  consideration 
upon  the  basis  already  explained,  they  may  be  summarized  as 
follows: 


Year. 

Num 
ber  of 
divi 
sions. 

Conservatives. 

Liberals. 

* 

102 
145 
79 
156 
142 
221 
319 

$ 

t 

* 

* 

t 

t 

f« 

1836 

181 
321 
257 
256 
199 
242 
351 

56 
45 
31 
61 
71 
91 
91 

79 
176 
178 
100 
57 
21 
32 

44 
55 
69 
39 
29 
9 
9 

73 
118 
65 
142 
132 
195 
266 

40 
37 
25 
55 
66 
81 
76 

108 
203 
192 
114 

67 
47 

85 

60 
63 
75 
45 
34 
19 
24 

1850 

I860   

1871  

1881  

1894  

1899  

The  falling  off  in  the  percentage  of  party  votes  among  the 
Liberals  in  1899  was  due,  of  course,  to  their  being  in  oppo 
sition  instead  of  being  in  power,  and  the  fact  that  the  party 
votes  of  the  Conservatives  did  not  show  a  corresponding 
increase  after  they  took  office  is  no  doubt  to  be  accounted 
for  by  their  enormous  majority,  which  has  been  a  continual 
stumbling  block  in  the  way  of  party  discipline. 

A  political  change  of  so  marked  a  character  as  this,  extending 


330  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

over  many  years,  has  not  boon  accidental,  and  its  causes  are  to 
be  sought,  partly  in  the  special  conditions  of  English  history 
during  the  period,  and  partly  in  the  normal  development  of 
the  parliamentary  system. 

The  feelings  aroused  by  the  agitation  for  the  reform  bill 
of  1832  kept  party  spirit  in  a  state  of  activity  for  some  years. 
Party  lines  at  that  time  were  not,  indeed,  so  clearly  drawn, 
and  the  members  of  a  party  were  not  so  united,  as  at  the 
present  day.  ^The  Whigs  and  Radicals  were  not  a  homoge 
neous  body,  and  the  Whig  ministers  were  often  sustained  in 
resisting  the  demands  of  their  Radical  supporters  by  the  help 
of  Tory  votes.  Still  the  reform  bill  had  brought  a  new  mean 
ing  into  politics,  and  the  Conservative  reaction  that  followed 
the  first  successes  of  the  Liberals  seemed  destined  to  result  in 
two  fairly  well  balanced  parties  confronting  each  other  perma 
nently  and  alternating  in  power.  But  this  condition  of  things 
did  not  last  long.  Neither  parties  nor  opinions  were  thor 
oughly  consolidated.  Events  were  moving  too  fast  for  that: 

c5          »  ^ 

and  the  repeal  of  the  corn  laws  was  followed  not  only  by  a 
split  in  the  Conservative  ranks  which  never  healed,  but  also 
by  a  general  loss  of  party  cohesion.  This  was  the  time  when 
Lord  Palmers  ton,  having  been  forced  out  of  the  ministry  for 
expressing,  on  his  own  authority,  approval  of  the  coup  d'etat 
in  France,  had  his  "tit  for  tat  with  John  Russell,"  as  he  said, 
and  "turned  him  out"  on  the  militia  bill  within  two  months. 
For  some  years  Lord  Palmerston  and  Lord  John  Russell,  like 
the  leaders  in  a  continental  parliamentary  government,  were 
alternately  turning  one  another  out,  and  sitting  as  colleagues 
in  the  same  cabinet.  During  the  fifties  three  different  minis 
tries  were  driven  from  power  by  the  desertion  of  a  part  of 
their  Liberal  followers.  The  parties  were,  in  fact,  in  a  state 
of  confusion.  The  Liberals  depended  for  a  working  majority, 
and  hence  for  their  tenure  of  office,  upon  the  sufferance  of 
the  Peelites;  but  although  these  two  groups  long  maintained 
a  separate  existence  they  hardly  differed  in  opinions  from  one 
another  more  than  they  did  among  themselves;  and  since  they 
had  together  an  assured  majority  in  Parliament  it  was  possi 
ble  for  their  members,  and  especially  for  the  Whigs  who  stood 
midway  between  the  Peelites  and  the  Radicals,  to  indulge  in 
domestic  differences  without  permanent  danger  to  their  prin 
ciples  or  their  supremacy. 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PARTY  UPON  LEGISLATION.   331 

As  it  takes  two  to  make,  a  quarrel,  so  no  party  can  be  main 
tained  in  fighting  discipline  unless  it  has  another  party  to  fight 
with,  strong  enough  to  be  a  serious  menace  to  its  tenure  of 
power.  This  the  Liberal  party  did  not  have  for  more  than  u 
score  of  years  after  Peel's  downfall  in  1846.  During  the  earlier 
part  of  that  period  one-half  of  the  former  Conservative  party 
was  friendly,  while  the  other  half  was  impotent;  and  the  same 
conditions  that  made  strongly  concerted  action  unnecessary  for 
the  Liberals  made  it  useless  for  their  opponents.  In  the 
course  of  Lord  Palmerston's  second  administration  the  Peel- 
ites  disappeared  as  a  separate  body — being  absorbed  for  the 
most  part  into  the  ranks  of  the  Liberals.  The  death  of  that 
statesman  in  1865  removed  the  great  obstacle  to  reform,  while 
the  election  of  1868  placed  so  large  a  majority  in  Mr.  Glad 
stone's  hands  that  he  could  afford  to  neglect  small  numbers  of 
dissentients  in  his  own  party.  Then  came  the  golden  age  of 
Liberalism,  when  its  principles  could  be  worked  out  without 
too  much  regard  to  the  exigencies  of  party  warfare;  and  it 
did  not  pass  away  until  Disraeli  had  built  up  a  formidable 
Tory  party — a  process  that  was  not  entirely  complete  for 
some  years  after  the  reform  bill  of  1868  had  brought  a  new 
element  into  the  electorate.  Until  1874  the  Conservatives 
never  obtained  a  majority  in  Parliament.  They  came  into 
office,  indeed,  on  three  occasions,  but  only  as  stop  gaps  while 
the  majority  were  adjusting  their  differences  and  drawing 
together  for  a  fresh  control  of  the  Government.  After  the) 
extension  of  the  franchise  in  1868,  however,  the  real  alterna 
tion  in  power  of  the  two  great  parties  began,  and  except  for 
_the  election  of  1JJOO,  which  was  held  during  the  stress  of  war, 
there  has  been  for  the  last  thirty  years  a  very  near  approx-' 
imation  to  a  regular  swing  of  the  political  pendulum  at  each 
successive  election.  Under  such  conditions  the  necessity  for 
cohesion  has  become  an  ever-present  motive  for  party  dis-  ^ 
cipline. 

That  the  Liberal  split  over  the  first  home-rule" bill  did  not, 
like  the  quarrel  among  the  Conservatives  after  the  repeal  of 
the  corn  *aws,  result  in  a  general  weakening  of  party  ties 
may  be  attributed  partly  to  the  fact  that  the  measure  having 
failed,  the  question  remained  unsettled;  partly  to  tne  demo-( 
cratic  nature  of  the  electorate,  which  increased  the  influenced 
of  party  as  a  political  force;  and  partly  to  a  factor  which \ 


832  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

must  now  be  considered  —the  normal  development  of  the  par 
liamentary  system. 

Government  by  a  responsible  ministry,  where  it  has  grown 
up  spontaneously  as  in  England,  is  essentially  the  product  of 
party  rivalry.  It  was  not  the  inevitable  consequence  of  the 
long  struggle  between  the  I  louse  of  Omniums  and  the  Crown, 
for  some  other  device  might  very  well  have  been  found  for 
bringing  the  executive  power  under  the  control  of  Parliament. 
It  was  rather  the  result  of  the  condition  of  the  House  itself,  for 
it  is  not  conceivable  that  this  form  of  government  should  ha\  <• 
appeared  had  Parliament  never  been  divided  into  Whigs 
and  Tories.  Each  step  in  the  growth  of  the  system  has  been 
the  result  of  a  strife  between  the  twro  factions  of  which  the 
House  was  at  the  moment  composed,  and  in  fact  the  whole 
plan  would  be  meaningless  if  parties  did  not  exist.  The 
reason  for  the  resignation  of  a  ministry  upon  the  rejection  of 
a  measure  it  has  proposed  is  that  the  defeat  indicates  a  general 
loss  of  confidence  in  the  policy  of  the  party  in  power  and  a 
preference  for  another  body  of  leaders  with  a  different  policy. 
If  this  were  not  so  the  Swiss  system  of  remaining  in  office,  but 
iyielding  on  the  point  at  issue,  would  be  far  more  reasonable. 

Tin*  parliamentary  system  js.  therefore  the  natural  out- 
li  and~a  rational  expression  of  the  division  of  the  rulhrg 

amber  into  two  parties.  But,  like  every  rational  form  of 
government,  it  reacts  upon  and  strengthens  the  conditions  of 
its  own  existence.  It  is  based  upon  party,  and,  from  the  law 
of  its  nature,  tends  to  accentuate  party.  When  men  recog 
nize  that  the  defeat  of  a  government  measure  means  a  change 
of  ministry,  the  pressure  is  strong  to  sacrifice  personal  opin 
ions  on  the  measure  in  question  to  the  more  important  general 
principles  for  which  the  party  stands;  and  the  more  fully  the 
system  develops,  the  more  clear  is  the  incompatibility  between 
voting  as  the  member  of  Parliament  pleases  on  individual 
measures  and  maintaining  in  power  the  party  he  approves. a 

Moreover,  since  the  ministry  may  be  overturned  at  any 
moment,  its  life  depends  upon  an  un intermittent  warfare, 
and  it  must  strive  to  keep  its  followers  constantly  in  hand; 
and  since  every  defeat,  however  trivial,  even  if  not  fatal,  is 
damaging,  it  must  try  to  prevent  any  hostile  votes,  an  effort 

"The  English  view  of  this  matter  is  presented  with  admirable  clearness  in  Mr.  Lecky's 
Map  of  Life,  pp.  120-136. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.       333 

which  explains  in  part  the  much  larger  average  attendance 
at  divisions  to-day  than  formerly.  It  follows  that  the  tend 
ency  of  the  Parliamentary  system  in  its  development  is  towards 
more  and  more  strict  party  voting.  _j 

This  tendency  has  been  increased  by  the  wide  extension  of  I 
the  franchise  by  the  reform  bills  of  18(>8  and  1885.  In  a 
small  and  highly  educated  electorate,  and  still  more  within 
the  walls  of  a  legislative  chamber,  it  is  possible  to  perceive 
the  finer  shades  of  politics,  to  appreciate  the  value  of  com 
promise,  and  even  to  bear  with  temporary  coalitions;  and 
hence  party  lines  may  be  somewhat  vague.  But  a  democ 
racy  understands  only  broad  alternatives,  clearly  marked 
issues  and  the  frank  opposition  of  party  leaders.  It  has  a 
better  comprehension  of  the  struggle  between  the  two  front 
benches  than  of  the  bearing  of  the  measures  debated.  Unless 
some  matter  of  local  interest  is  involved — and  this  the  English 
practice,  and  especially  the  admirable  system  of  private  bill 
legislation,  eliminates  almost  altogether — a  democracy  is  prone 
to  support  the  party,  with  comparatively  little  regard  for 
matters  of  detail. 

A  high  degree  of  party  voting  appears,  therefore,  to  be  "* 
a  natural  consequence  of  the  parliamentaiy  system,  and  may 
be  expected  to  continue  in  normal  times  so  long  as  that  sys-  ^ 
tern  retains  its  character.^  If  it  should  ever  happen  that  the' 
authority  of  the  Cabinet  on  the  one  side,  and  of  the  electorate 
on  the  other,  became  predominant,  and  Parliament  lost  much 
of  its  importance,  a  general  election  might  be  nearly  equiva 
lent  to  the  periodic  choice  of  a  commission  of  government. 
If  so,  the  fiction  an  entire  agreement  on  all  public  questions 
might  not  be  necessary,  and  the  leaders  of  a  party  might,  per 
haps,  be  more  free  to  express  their  individual  differences  of 
opinion,  but  in  that  case   parliamentary   government  would 
have  lost  its  character. 

All  this  does  not  mean  that  the  majority  can  do  whatever 
it  pleases  without  regard  to  the  wishes  of  the  minority.  To 
some  extent  that  is  the  case;  but  it  would  be  a  great  mistake 
to  suppose  that  the  parliamentary  system  in  England  was 
developing  into  party  tyranny.  "There  is  another  side  to  the 
shield,  for  the  very  fact  that  the  Government  must  avoid 
defeats  often  makes  it  cautious,  if  not  timid.  It  can  not 
disregard  the  opinions  of  the  minority,  because  they  are  imj 


334  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

I  most  cases  shared  by  a  part  of  its  own  followers,  and  the  vote 
of  a  small  fraction  of  its  own  supporters  added  to  that  of 
the  opposition  may  be  enough  to  involve  defeat.  The  same 
forces  that  lead  a  member  of  the  party  to  sacrifice  his  personal 
opinions  to  part}'  necessity  lead  the  cabinet  to  modify  their 
policy  in  deference  to  the  protests  of  a  few  supporters.  If, 
therefore,  the  parliamentary  system  can  be  said  to  involve 
party  despotism,  it  is  a  despotism  tempered  by  many  powerful 
forces  both  within  and  without  the  dominant  party. 

One  cannot  leave  this  subject  without  attempting  to  explain 
the  opinion,  which  is  certainly  common  among  members  of 
Parliament,  that  party  lines  are  not  more  strictly  drawn  than 
they  were  formerly.  It  is  often  said  that  there  is  as  much 
independent  voting  as  ever.  That  such  an  opinion  is  errone 
ous  is  proved  by  the  figures,  but  that  it  should  be  held  is 
significant.  The  truth  is  that  the  degree  to  which  a  man  is 
sensible  of  party  constraint,  the  extent  to  which  lie  com 
plains  of  party  tyranny,  or  conversely  of  laxity  of  party  dis 
cipline,  depends  not  upon  the  amount  of  authority  actimllv 
exerted,  but  upon  the  relation  which  it  bears  to  the  amount  he 
thinks  ought  to  be  exerted.  It  is  curious  that  in  1894,  when 
party  voting  was  carried  much  farther  than  it  had  been  for 
merly,  the  periodicals  were  full  of  laments  over  the  breaking 
up  of  the  House  of  Commons  into  groups,  and  of  gloomy  fore 
bodings  of  a  breakdown  of  parliamentary  government  on 
account  of  the  impossibility  of  maintaining  party  cohesion. 
were  these  views  entirely  unwarranted.  rThe  parliamen 


^ 

tary  system  in  its  present  form  requires  a  party  discipline  far 
more  strict  than  it  did  a  generation  ago,  and  perhaps  more  strict 
than  it  will  always  be  possible  to  maintain.  A  man  may  be  as 
unconscious  of  the  pressure  of  party  as  he  is  of  that  of  the 
atmosphere,  if  it  is  natural,  constant,  and  evenly  distributed, 
and  this  is  very  much  the  case  in  England.  The  belief  that 
private  members  of  Parliament  are  as  independent  as  ever  is 
no  doubt  based  in  part  upon  the  fact  that  in  former  times 
delnite  was  left  mainly  to  the  ministers  and  a  few  of  their  most 
active  opponents,  the  country  squire,  who  had  the  privilege  of 
writing  M.  P.  after  his  name,  speaking  rarely,  and  fulfilling 
his  duties  b}'  walking  through  the  lobby  on  important  divi 
sions.  Now  most  members  are  anxious  to  have  their  con 
stituents  look  upon  them  as  active  at  Westminster,  and  hence 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PARTY  UPON  LEGISLATION.   335 

the  number  of  men  who  take  part  in  debate  has  increased  very 
much,  while  every  man  who  rises  to  his  feet  seeks  to  make  it 
appear  that  he  is  expressing  his  own  personal  opinions.  The 
result  is  one  that  perplexes  the  stranger  in  the  gallery.  He 
hears  so  many  men  on  both  sides  of  the  House  speak  freely 
of  the  merits  and  faults  of  a  measure,  urge  amendments,  and 
criticise  the  attitude  of  the  ministry,  that  he  begins  to  think 
that  the  result  of  the  division  is  really  doubtful;  but  when  the 
tellers  bring  in  their  report  he  finds  that  the  Government  has 
obtained  the  usual  majority/'  Curiously  enough,  the  very  fact 
that  private  members  take  a  larger  part  in  debate  has  helped, 
by  consuming  the  time  of  Parliament,  to  diminish  the  oppor 
tunity  of  passing  private  members'  bills,  and,  in  short,  of  pass 
ing  any  bills  without  party  pressure.  It  has  thus  tended  to 
increase  the  proportion  of  divisions  in  which  the  Government 
whips  are  tellers  and  the  votes  are  cast  on  part}7  lines. 

AMERICA.   * 

The  legislative  bodies  in  the  United  States  present  a  differ-  ;' 
out  array  of  figures  and  a  different  set  of  problems.6 

Five  Congresses  have  been  selected  for  examination.  First, 
the  Twenty-ninth  Congress,  elected  in  1844,  when  the  Whig 
and  Democratic  parties  were  in  full  activity.  This  may  be 
regarded  as  a  normal  antebellum  Congress.  The  President 
(Polk)  was  a  Democrat,  and  the  same  party  had  a  good  work 
ing  majority  in  each  House.  Ten,  years  later  the  Whig  party 
had  begun  to  go  pieces  under  the  pressure  of  the  slavery 
question,  and  hence  the  next  Congress  taken  is  the  Thirty- 
eighth,  elected  in  1862,  during  the  heat  of  the  war,  with  a 
Republican  majority  in  both  branches,  and  Lincoln  as  Presi 
dent.  The  third  is  the  Fiftieth  Congress,  elected  in  1886, 
with  a  Democrat  in  the  White  House,  a  slight  Republican 

«It  may  be  argued  that  the  amount  of  party  voting  appears  greater  than  it  really  is, 
because  a  member  who  does  not  like  a  party  measure  will  often  abstain  from  voting 
altogether,  although  he  may  hesitate  to  vote  against  it.  But  a  man  who  from  party 
motives  abstains  from  the  vote  he  would  otherwise  cast  is  yielding  a  half  obedience  to  his 
party;  so  that  even  in  such  cases  the  recorded  votes  furnish  an  indication,  though  not  an 
exact  numerical  measure,  of  the  control  of  party  over  the  votes  of  its  members. 

ft  The  statistics  of  votes  in  America  are  taken  in  all  cases  from  the  yea  and  nay  votes 
in  the  journals.  Unanimous  votes  are  omitted,  and  as  has  already  been  observed,  these 
are  exceedingly  numerous  in  many  of  the  State  legislatures,  owing  to  the  common  con 
stitutional  provision  requiring  a  yea  and  nay  vote  on  the  passage  of  every  bill.  Even 
when  a  bill  has  been  opposed  at  some  stage  its  final  passage  is  often  unanimous;  but  this 
is,  of  course,  very  unlikely  to  occur  where  the  bill  has  been  opposed  on  party  lines. 
Votes  which  are  invalid  for  lack  of  a  quorum— that  is,  votes  without  a  quorum  other 
than  on  motions  to  adjourn  and  for  a  call  of  the  House— are  also  omitted  from  the  tables. 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

majority  in  the  Senato,  and  a  slight  Democratic  one  in  the 
House.  Then  the  Fifty- fifth,  chosen  in  18MJ,  when  the  Repub 
licans  controlled  the  Executive  and  both  Houses;  and,  finally, 
the  Fifty-sixth,  which  has  been  taken  because  the  amount  of 
paily  voting  varied  so  widely  in  the  different  sessions  of  the 
preceding  Congress  as  to  make  the  results  appear  abnormal. 
Of  these  Congresses  the  detailed  list  of  votes  in  the  Thirtv- 
eighth.  Fiftieth,  and  Fifty-sixth  are  alone  printed  in  the  tables, 
but  the  summaries  that  follow  include  the  results  for  all  the 
five  Congresses,  the  percentage  of  the  different  classes  of 
votes  being  given  for  each  session,  as  well  as  for  the  Congress 
as  a  whole. 

A  comparison  of  the  figures  for  these  different  dates  makes 
lit  clear  that  any  general  tendency  that  may  exist  toward  a 
change  in  the  amount  of  party  voting  does  not  work  by  any 

-..means  so  steadily  as  in  England.  ^The  amount  of  part}7  voting 
varies  very  much  from  one  Congress,  and  even  from  one  ses 
sion,  to  another,  and  does  not  follow  closely  any  fixed  law  of 

il  evolution.  It  is,  indeed,  much  less  in  the  Twenty-ninth  Con 
gress  than  in  the  Fifty-sixth,  and,  no  doubt,  it  tends  on  the 
whole  to  increase;  yet  with  the  great  fluctuations  that  have 
taken  place,  sometimes  between  two  sessions  of  the  same 
Congress,  one  must  be  cautious  in  drawing  conclusions.  It 
has  happened  in  about  half  of  these  Congresses  that  the  pro 
portion  of  party  votes  has  been  nearly  twice  as  large  in  one 
session  as  in  another.  Th<*  most  striking  instance  occurs  in 
the  Fifty-fifth  Congress.  Here  the  percentage  of  cases  where 
both  sides  cast  party  votes  was  in  the  first  session  of  the 
House  85.71  per  cent,  and  in  the  third  session  only  20.00  per 
cent;  while  in  the  Senate  it  was  69.47  per  cent  in  the  first 
session  and  in  the  third  it  disappeared  altogether.  Wherever 
this  happens,  and  in  fact  whenever  the  amount  of  party  vot 
ing  is  peculiarly  large,  it  is  because  of  some  one  particular 
measure  on  which  the  parties  are  sharply  divided.  In  the 
Fifty-fifth  Congress  it  was  due  to  the  Dingley  tariff  bill,  which 
the  Houses  had  been  called  together  in  a  special  session  to 
consider.  In  the  same  way  the  (J6.48  per  cent  of  party  votes 
in  the  Senate  in  the  second  session  of  the  Fiftieth  Congress 
was  almost  entirely  due  to  the  Mills  tariff  bill,  or  rather  to 
the  Senate  substitute  therefor. 

In  Parliament  at  the  present  day  contentious  legislation  is 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PAKTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        337 

in  the  main  conducted  by  one  party  and  opposed  by  the  other,  ' 
and  hence  the  amount  of  party  voting  is  nearly  constant.     In 
Congress  this  is  byjncungansso  true,  and  the  amount  of  party 
voting  depends  largely  upon  The  accident  of  some  question  on 
which  the  parties  are  sharply  divided  happening  to  come  up 
for  decision.     On  other  matters  party  lines  are  less  strictly 
drawn.     In  short,  inEnglaiid ^the__pailiefc ^framjetheissues.  •*" 
In  Americajhe  issues  do  ii£ti-iii4££d'  mak^ -tJiejia^ties,  but"" 
'determine    the    extent   of    their  opposition    to  each    other  in 
i"nalterTof  legislation 

T*  In  general  the  result  of  the  statistics  for  Congress  shows  that 
whereas  during  the  middle  of  the  century  the  amount  of  party 
voting  there  was  at  least  as  great  as  in  Parliament,  and  while 
in  particular  sessions  the  English  maximum  has  been  exceeded, 
yet  on  the  average  party  lines  at  the  present  day  are  decidedly 
less  strictly  drawn  than  in_the  House  of  Commons^ 

Of  the  live  State  legislatures  examined,  two  (those  of  Mas 
sachusetts  and  Pennsylvania)  have  large  and  constant  Kepub- 
lican  majorities.  The  other  three  (New  York,  Ohio,  and  Illi 
nois)  are  controlled  sometimes  by  one  party  and  sometimes  by 
the  other,  although  in  the  recent  sessions  studied  it  so  happens 
that  the  majorities  in  all  of  them  were  Republican.  These 
five  States  furnish,  therefore,  examples  of  the  activity  of  party 
in  legislation,  both  where  one  party  is  certain  of  its  predomi 
nance,  and  where  the  struggle  for  supremacy  is  acute;  and  it 
may  be  remarked  that  in  no  State  in  the  Union  would  a  larger 
amount  of  party  voting  be  expected  than  in  the  three  selected 
from  the  second  type. 

The  writer  has  made  no  attempt  to  examine  the  history  of 
party  voting  in  the  State  legislatures,  and  in  fact  the  results 
seem  to  show  that  such  an  effort  would  hardly  repay  the  labor 
involved.  It  has  been  enough  to  discover  the  existing  condi 
tions,  and  therefore  the  statistics  relate  for  the  most  part  to 
the  latest  legislative  session  available  at  the  time  they  were 
compiled.  In  the  case  of  New  York,  however,  where  the  state 
of  things  is  exceptional,  the  year  1894  has  been  taken  as  well 
as  the  year  1899,  and  the  result  seems  to  indicate  that  while 
the  conditions  differ  from  those  in  other  States  they  are  nor 
mal  in  New  York.  In  Pennsylvania  also  it  was  felt  that  the 
marked  absence  of  party  voting  in  181W  might  be  due  to  the 
war  then  waged  against  Mr.  Quay  by  a  large  section  of  the 
H.  Doc.  702,  pt.  1 22 


338  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

Republicans,  and  hence  the  year  1895  was  examined  also.  The 
result  showed  more  party  voting  in  the  senate  and  slightly 
less  in  the  house. 

In  New  York  alone  among  the  States  considered  is  the 
amount  of  party  voting  considerable.  Here  the  proportion 
of  party  votes  is  about  25  or  30  per  cent  in  the  senate  and 
45  or  50  per  cent  in  the  assembly:"  and  there  is  no  very  great 
difference  in  this  respect  between  the  sessions  of  1894  and 
1899.  These  figures  are  so  much  larger  than  those  of  any  of 
the  other  State  legislatures  examined  as  to  suggest  a  differ 
ence  in  kind  rather  than  in  degree,  and  to  place  the  State  in  a 
class  by  itself.  Party  politics  in  New  York  have  always  run 
high,  and  the  people  have  always  been  divided  evenly  enough 
to  keep  the  strife  keen.  At  the  same  time  great  size  has  made 
more  possible  than  elsewhere  a  real  party  division  upon  State 
issues  instead  of  upon  national  ones  alone;  while  the  eternal 
antagonism  between  the  city  and  the  country  falls  in  readily 
with  the  existing  party  lines  and  furnishes  a  never-failing 
source  of  party  votes  at  Albany. 

In  the  other  State  legislatures  the  amount  of  party  voting 
is  much  less.  In  Ohio  it  is  about  15  per  cent  in  the  senate  and 
10  per  cent  in  the  house;  in  Illinois.  5£  per  cent  in  the  senate 
and  12£  per  cent  in  the  house,  the  larger  figure  in  the  latter 
being  no  doubt  due  in  part  to  the  fact  that  the  house  is  chosen 
by  a  system  of  minority  representation,  a  device  which  tends 
naturally  to  increase  the  influence  of  party.  In  the  two  re 
maining  States  the  proportion  is  smaller  still.  In  Pennsyl 
vania  the  maximum  for  either  branch  of  the  legislature  in  the 
two  sessions  of  1S95  and  1899  was  about  f>J  per  cent  and  the 
minimum  was  nothing,  the  average  for  the  two  sessions  being 
a  little  over  3  per  cent  for  the  senate  and  a  little  over  2  per 
cent  for  the  house.  In  Massachusetts  the  proportion  for  1899 
was  about  1  per  cent  for  the  senate  and  (>  per  cent  for  the 
house;  but  this  really  means  a  single  party  vote  in  the  senate 
and  only  3  in  the  house. 

From  the  point  of  view,  however,  of  legislation  by  party 
even  these  figures  are  misleading.  Thus,  in  Ohio,  of  the  20 
party  votes  in  the  senate  1 1  were  cast  in  the  election  of  offi 
cers  of  the  body,  most  of  whom,  such  as  clerks  and  assistant 
sergeants-at-arms.  had  no  possible  connection  with  public 

aThat  is  the  proportion  of  cases  where  lx>th  of  the  principal  parties  cast  party  votes  oil 
opposite  sides. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        339 

policy.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  5  party  votes  in  the  elec 
tion  of  members  of  State  boards,  trustees  of  lunatic  hospitals, 
and  other  State  institutions.  The  men  chosen  were  no  doubt 
intended  to  see  that  the  employees  under  their  control  were 
of  the  right  political  faith,  but  they  were  not  expected  to 
apply  to  the  lunatics  committed  to  their  care  a  treatment  pe 
culiarly  Republican.  The  remaining  4  votes  were  the  only 
ones  directly  connected  with  the  enactment  of  laws,  so  that 
the  proportion  of  party  votes  on  questions  of  legislation  was 
about  3  per  cent.  The  same  thing  is  true  of  the  other  branch 
of  the  Ohio  legislature.  Here  11  of  the  18  party  votes  con 
cerned  the  election  of  officers  of  the  house,  while  another  was 
on  a  resolution  of  sympathy  with  the  Boers,  and  thus  the  pro 
portion  of  party  votes  on  legislative  measures,  including  the 
election  of  the  speaker,  who  is  a  real  political  officer,  was 
only  about  3i  per  cent. 

A  similar  remark  may  be  made  in  the  case  of  Illinois,  al 
though  to  a  much  smaller  extent;  while  in  Pennsylvania  the 
only  party  vote  in  the  senate  in  1899  was  that  for  the  election 
of  a  president  pro  tempo  re,  and  of  the  7  party  votes  in  the 
house  4:  related  to  the  election  of  officers  of  the  body  and 
another  to  a  resolution  to  invite  President  McKinley  to  visit 
the  State.  Except  in  New  York,  therefore,  the  amount  of 
party  voting  on  legislation  proper  in  the  States  examined  is 
very  small;  and  this  must  be  at  least  equally  true  of  all  those 
States — and  they  form  a  majority  of  the  whole  number- 
where  one  of  the  parties  is  in  a  hopeless  minority. 

In  making  a  comparison  of  the  influence  of  political  parties 
upon  legislation  in  different  public  bodies,  statistics  of  the 
proportion  of  votes  on  which  party  lines  are  drawn  furnish 
an  imperfect  test,  because  the  forms  of  procedure  may  make 
a  material  difference.  In  the  House  of  Commons,  for  example, 
a  single  member  can  force  a~~ctlvision,  whereas  in  Congress, 
save  in  exceptional  cases,  such  as  the  passage  of  a  bill  over  the 
President's  veto,  the  yeas  and  nays  can  be  ordered  only  on 
the  demand  of  one-fifth  of  the  members.  Now,  it  may  be  as 
sumed  that  where  the  parties  in  Congress  are  sharply  divided 
on  any  measure  they  will  call  for  the  yeas  and  nays  in  order 
to  place  themselves  on  record;  but  it  is  by  no  means  certain 
that  this  will  be  done  where  the  opposition  is  not  on  party 
lines  and  an  oral  vote  shows  a  decided  majority.  It  may  well 
happen  that  non-party  votes  are  found  in  the  division  lists 


840 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


of  Parliament  which  would  not  appear  as  yea-and-nay  votes 
in  the  Journals  of  Congress,  and  such  votes  may  be  sufficiently 
numerous  to  produce  a  substantial  enVct  on  the  percentage. 
We  should  therefore  expect,  under  similar  conditions  of 
parties,  to  find  the  roll  call  more  nearly  confined  to  party  votes 
at  Washington  than  at  Westminster. 

Another  test  of  the  direct  effect  of  party  on  legislation,  and 
perhaps  a  fairer  one.  is  the  proportion  of  bills  actually  enacted 
on  which  there  has  been  a  party  vote  at  some  stage,  and  for 
the  purpose  of  comparison  it  may  be  useful  to  consider  first 
public  bills  only,  reserving  for  a  moment  the  question  of 
private  acts.  There  are  in  every  legislative  body  a  consider 
able  number  of  measures  that  go  through  by  common  consent, 
and  the  proportion  of  these,  as  well  as  of  the  bills  that  are 
fought,  but  not  on  party  lines,  varies  very  much.  Taking 
the  sessions  of  Parliament  from  1S9<>  to  1900,  we  find  that  the 
number  of  public  bills  enacted  in  a  session  (including  both 
Government  and  private  members'  bills)  runs  from  53  to  69, 
while  the  number  of  these  that  had  a  party  vote  at  some  stage 
of  their  passage  through  the  House  of  Commons  runs  from 
11  to  18. a  The  total  number  of  these  public  bills  enacted 
during  the  five  years  was  31*4,  and  the  number  of  them  that 
had  a  party  vote  was  T%2,  or  23.09  per  cent.  If  we  turn  to  the 
preceding  Liberal  ministry  we  reach  a  period  when  the  politi 
cal  conditions  were  abnormal.  In  the  year  1894,  for  example, 
there  was  a  party  vote  at  some  stage  in  the  case  of  only  4  of 
the  60  public  bills  enacted;  but  it  must  be  remembered  that 
the  House  of  Lords  actually  rejected  one  of  the  Government 
bills  and  dropped  another.  In  tact.  Lord  Rosebery's  ministry 
was  not  in  a  position  to  attempt  to  carry  through  contentious 
legislation.  It  is  impossible,  therefore,  to  obtain  statistics  on 

"  The  figure*  for  the  different  sessions  lire  as  follows: 


Year. 

!•  il,  , 
bills 
enacted. 

Party 
votes. 

Per  cent. 

18%              

60 

18 

21.66 

1897                                                                        

69 

16 

23.19 

]X'IX 

66 

11 

16.  (if> 

1899                                                                   

53 

18 

;,:  •.,; 

1900                                                                                       

64 

14 

21.88 

Total 

312 

72 

23.09 

Although  party  votes  in  supplv  are,  of  course,  frequent,  they  are  not  treated  in  this 
liil.lr  M-  \iiti-  <>n'  ilif  conaolidated-fund  tiilK  l.n^l  upon  them. "  The  only  party  vot«->  «>n 
the  consolidated-fund  and  finance  bills  that  are  taken  into  account  are  those  cast  directly 
upon  iho-f  bills. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.       341 

this  point  for  a  normal  period  in  which  the  Liberal  party  was 
in  power  without  going  back  to  a  time  when  the  party  system 
was  much  less  developed  than  it  is  now.  But  there  is  no 
reason  to  suppose4  that  the  figures  given  above  would  not 
fairly  represent  the  proportion  of  laws  enacted  by  party  votes 
under  a  normal  ministry  of  either  party  at  the  present  day. 

The  proportion  of  public  bills  enacted  on  which  there  was 
a  party  vote  at  some  stage  of  their  passage  through  the  House 
of  Representatives  at  Washington  is  very  much  less.  For 
the  Thirty-eighth  Congress  this  was  true  of  18  out  of  232  bills, 
or  7.76  per  cent.  In  the  Fiftieth  Congress,  where  the  Presi 
dent  and  the  House  belonged  to  one  party  and  the  Senate  to 
the  other,  party  legislation  was  obviously  difficult  to  carry 
through,  and  only  1  public  bill,  out  of  154  enacted,  had  a  party 
vote  in  the  House.  Again,  in  the  Fifty-fifth  Congress  the 
House  cast  party  votes  on  14  out  of  195  public  bills  enacted,  or 
7.18  per  cent.  The  difference  between  public  bills,  on  the  one 
hand,  and  private  and  local  bills,  on  the  other,  is,  of  course, 
marked  in  Parliament  by  a  difference  of  procedure.  This  is  not 
the  case  in  America,  and  in  making  up  the  statistics  for  Con 
gress  there  have  been  omitted  not  only  all  bills  that  would  be 
treated  as  private  in  England,  but  also  all  building,  bridge, 
and  light-house  bills,  of  which  there  were  a  large  number, 
and  on  which  no  party  votes  occurred. 

So  far  as  these  figures  may  be  taken  as  a  guide  it  would 
appear  that  when  the  executive  and  both  branches  of  the  legis 
lature  are  controlled  by  the  same  party  the  proportion  of  pub 
lic  laws  enacted  on  which  there  is  a  party  vote  at  some  stage 
in  the  House  of  Commons  is  about  23  per  cent,  while  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  it  is  between  7  and  8  per  cent;  that 
when  the  executive  and  the  lower  House  belong  to  one  party, 
but  the  upper  House  is  controlled  by  the  other,  and  dares  to 
use  its  power,  the  proportion  in  England  is  about  7  per  cent, 
while  under  similar  conditions  in  Washington  the  proportion 
is  less  than  1  per  cent.  The  number  of  sessions  examined  for 
this  purpose  is,  of  course,  far  too  small  to  justify  any  reliance 
upon  the  precise  figures  obtained,  but  they  would  seem  to  make 
it  clear  that  the  proportion  of  actual  public  legislation  on  which 
there  are  party  votes  is  much  larger  in  Parliament  than  in 
Congress. 

The  suggestion  already  made  that  a  difficulty  in  procuring 


342  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

a  yea-and-nay  vote  may  enhance  the  proportion  of  party  votes 
does  not  apply  to  the  legislature  of  New  York,  because  such 
a  vote  is  required  on  the  passage  of  every  bill.  Hut  an  exam 
ination  of  the  proportion  of  public  bills  enacted  there  which 
received  a  party  vote  at  some  stage  is  instructive.  In  the 
session  of  1894  there  were  enacted  309  public  measures,  and 
of  these  only  9,  or  2.94  per  cent,  had  a  party  vote  in  the 
assembly  at  any  stage.  In  the  general  session  of  1899  this 
was  true  of  10  out  of  328  public  bills,  or  3.05  per  cent.  So 
that  while  in  New  York  the  proportion  of  party  votes  appears 
to  be  large,  the  actual  influence  of  party  on  public  legislation  is 
small. 

If  this  is  the  case  in  New  Yorkjit  is  evident  that  in  most  of 
the  States  the  proportion  of  public  laws  enacted  on  which  there 
has  been  a  party  vote  must  be  almost  imperceptible.  More 
over,  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  greater  part  of  the  field 
of  legislation— the  laws  that  govern  the  ordinary  relations  of 
life— fall  into  the  domain  of  the  States,  and  when  this  is  taken 
into  consideration  it  is  manifest  that  the  total  influence  of 
party  over  legislation  in  public  matters  is  less  by  far  in 
America  than  in  England. 

Hitherto  we  have  been  considering  in  this  connection  only 
public  laws.  Party  divisions  on  private  and  local  bills, 
although  not  unknowiTln  the  House  of  Commons,  are  rare. 
There  are,  no  doubt,  a  few  bills  affecting1  London  which  for  a 
smaller  place  would  be  treated  as  private,  but  on  account  of 
their  importance  excite  general  interest,  and  on  these,  whether 
brought  in  as  public  or  private,  the  parties  are  apt  to  take 
, Asides.  'It  may  fairly  be  said,  however,  that  in  England  the 
\  activity  of  party  isalmosrentirely  confined  to  public  measures. 
!..  This  is  by  no  means  so  true  in  the  United  States/)  Purely 
private  bills — that  is,  measures  touching  an  individual  or  a 
corporation — are  not,  indeed,  the  subject  of  many  party  votes, 
but,  as  we  have  seen  in  the  case  of  Ohio,  a  power  of  election 
to  public  oflice,  even  where  that  office  involves  no  real  public 
policy,  is  freely  used  in  favor  of  partisans.  In  regard  to 
local  bills  the  practice  varies  a  great  deal.  Congress  has,  of 
course,  little  power  of  this  kind,  except  in  the  case  of  local 
improvements,  such  as  river  and  harbor  bills,  and  these  are 
not  usually  fought  on  party  lines,  although  political  influence, 
an  compared  with  an  impartial  estimate  of  public  utility,  is  a 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PAKTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        343 

most  important  factor  in  the  distribution  of  the  grants.  In 
New  York,  the  only  State  where  the  amount  of  party  voting- 
is  considerable,  there  is  quite  as  much  of  it  on  local  as  on  pub 
lic  laws.  Of  the  338  local  bills  enacted  there  in  1894,  10  had 
party  votes  in  the  assembly  at  some  stage,  and  this  was  true 
of  14  out  of  the  268  enacted  in  1899,  a  proportion  somewhat 
larger,  in  fact,  than  in  the  case  of  public  bills.  Of  these 
measures  a  number  relate,  of  course,  to  New  York  City,  but 
there  are  not  a  few  that  deal  with  other  places. 

In  the  remaining  States  party  votes  on  local  matters  are 
uncommon. 

We  have  seen  that  the  proportion  of  party  votes  is  dis 
tinctly  less  at  the  present  day  in  Congress  than  in  Parliament, 
and  taking  legislation  as  a  whole,  State  as  well  as  national, 
the  influence  ofj)arty  on  public  measuresja  far  less  in^Amer- 
Enfirland. 


ica  than  in  England.  This  is  the  more  remarkable  because 
democracy,  which  tends  to  add  to  the  strength  of  party,  has 
existed  much  longer  here  than  in  Great  Britain.  It  remains 
for  us  to  consider,  as  in  the  case  of  England,  the  cause  of  the 
phenomenon,  and  to  explain  the  general  impression  that  party 
wields  a  singularly  despotic  sway  in  the  United  States. 

At  the  period  when  the  Constitution  gave  to  American  in 
stitutions  their  definite  outward  form,  the  conception  of  party 
in  its  modern  shape  was  unknown.  The  idea  of  permanent 
political  organizations  struggling  for  mastery  within  the  state 
would  have  shocked  the  philosophers  and  statesmen  of  that 
day.  Like  Rousseau,  they  would  have  deemed  such  a  state  of 
things  incompatible  with  orderly  self-government.  They 
would  probably  have  insisted  that  one  of  the  parties  in  a  case 
of  that  kind  must  be  bent  upon  revolutionary  objects;  and  in 
fact  the  greatest  contribution  of  the  nineteenth  century  to  the 
art  of  government  has  been  "Her  Majesty's  Opposition," 
that  is,  the  existence  of  a  party  out  of  power  which  is  recog 
nized  as  perfectly  loyal  to  the  institutions  of  the  state,  and  is 
ready  at  any  moment  to  come  into  office  without  a  shock  to 
the  political  traditions  of  the  country. 

The  framers  of  the  Constitution  did  not  foresee  the  role 
that  party  was  to  play  in  popular  government,  and  they  made 
no  provision  for  it  in  their  plan.  The  people  were  to  pick 
out  the  wisest  men  they  could  find,  and  these  in  turn  were  to 
choose  the  best  man  in  the  nation  for  President  and  the  next 


344  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

host  for  Vice-President.  Congress  was  also  to  he  composed 
of  men  selected  for  their  personal  merits,  and  puhlic  questions 
that  arose  were  to  he  settled  by  discussion,  mutual  concession, 
and,  failing  all  other  means,  by  majority  vote.  But  no  means 
were  provided  by  which  a  political  party  could  bring  the 
President  and  the  majorities  in  the  two  Houses  into  accord, 
and  so  give  effect  to  its  opinions.  In  England  this  is  simple 
enough,  because  the  executive  and  the  majority  in  the  House 
of  Commons  must  always  be  in  harmony,  while  the  House  of 
Lords  can  not  resist  anything  on  which  they  are  seriously 
intent, — unless,  perchance,  it  is  convinced  that  the  cabinet  has 
lost  the  confidence  of  the  public.  Mpj^Hwo^^the  American 
system  furnished  no  machinery  whereby  a  party  could  I'onmi-' 
late  its  policy,  select  the  candidates  for  high  office,  and  insure 
that  they  should  be  the  real  leaders  of  the  party  and  able  to 
control  its  action;  hut  in  England  the  party  policy  is  deter 
mined  by  the  cabinet,  and  its  members  are  the  men  who  in 
the  constant  battles  in  the  Commons  have  made  themselves 
the  leaders  of  their  fellows.  Our  fathers  would  probably 
have  felt  a  strong  aversion  for  these  objects  had  they  been 
suggested,  and  certainly  no  attempt  was  made  to  attain  them; 
and  yet  they  are  absolutely  essential  to  a  thorough  govern 
ment  by  party. 

But  while  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  did  not  provide 
an  organization  appropriate  to  party  government,  they  estab 
lished  a  system  in  which  parties  were  a  necessity.  It  was 
from  the  first  inevitable,  and  soon  became  evident,  that  the 
real  selection  of  the  President  would  not  be  left  to  the  judg 
ment  of  the  electoral  college — a  result  which  was  made  the 
more  certain,  first,  by  providing  that  the  members  should 
assemble  by  States,  and  hence  should  not  meet  together  as  a 
whole  for  deliberation;  and  second,  by  excluding  from  the  col 
lege  all  Congressmen  and  holders  of  Federal  offices — that  is. 
all  the  leading  men  in  national  public  life.  Washington  was 
designated  by  the  universal  sentiment  of  the  nation,  but  such  a 
piece  of  fortune  could  not  occur  again,  and  as  the  selection  of 
his  successors  would  certainly  not  be  left  to  the  individual  dis 
cretion  of  the  electors  it  behooved  like-minded  men  who  did 
not  propose  to  throw  their  votes  away  to  agree  upon  a  candi 
date  in  advance,  and  this  was  equally  true  whether  the  choice 
of  electors  was  made  by  the  legislature  of  a  State  or  directly 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        845 

by  its  people.  As  early  as  the  year  1800,  at  the  first  election 
of  Jefferson,  the  electoral  college  not  only  failed  as  a  real 
organ  for  choosing  the  President,  hut  as  a  piece  of  mechanism 
it  proved  so  badly  adapted  to  the  party  system  that  it  had  to 
be  remodeled  by  the  eleventh  amendment  of  the  Constitution. 
During  the  next  score  of  years  the  need  of  some  means  of 
concentrating  opinion  in  the  selection  of  Presidential  candi 
dates  was  concealed  by  the  succession  of  Virginians  nominally 
recommended  by  the  Congressional  caucus  but  practically 
determined  by  the  President  himself. 

With  the  ending  of  this  period,  which  could  under  no  cir 
cumstances  have  continued  long,  the  want  of  some  kind  of 
machinery  for  selecting  Presidential  candidates  became 
apparent.  In  a  small  country,  where  the  voters  were  few  and 
near  enough  together  to  confer  with  each  other  readihr,  the 
need  would  not  have  been  acute,  and  an  understanding  might 
have  been  reached  informally.  But  in  a  nation  as  large  as 
the  United  States  this  was  an  impossibility,  the  more  so 
because  the  habit  of  direct  choice  of  the  electors  by  the  peo 
ple  had  now  become  general,  and  at  the  same  time  the  number 
of  voters  had  been  much  increased  by  the  extension  of  the 
franchise  in  the  several  States.  It  followed  that  unless  the 
result  of  an  election  Avas  to  be  a  matter  of  chance,  men  who 
had  similar  objects  in  view  must  be  brought  to  unite  upon  a 
candidate  by  some  kind  of  party  organization.  After  a  few 
experiments  in  the  recommendation  of  candidates  by  State 
legislatures  the  plan  of  national  party  conventions  was  evolved, 
and  it  has  remained  the  regular  method  of  selection. 

National  party  organizations  were  thus  a  necessary  conse 
quence  of  the  virtual  election  of  the  President  by  a  popular 
vote  throughout  the  nation.  In  some  form  they  must  exist  in 
any  country  for  the  nomination  of  public  officers  who  are 
chosen  by  a  large  electorate;  and  it  may  be  observed  that 
there  has  never  existed  any  other  single  constituency  in  the 
world  anywhere  near  so  large  as  that  which  chooses  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States.  Moreover,  this  is  not  the  only 
large  electoral  body  in  America.  Each  of  the  States,  for  ex 
ample,  is  a  single  constituency  for  the  choice  of  the  governor 
by  popular  vote.  It  is,  indeed,  curious  that  democracy  in 
Europe  adheres  to  the  custom  of  dividing  the  country  for 
political  purposes  into  comparatively  small  electorates,  while 


34(>  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

in  the  United  States  it  is  the  habit  to  make  whole  communities 
single  constituencies  for  the  choice  of  their  chief  officials,  a 
state  of  things  that  involves  the  need  of  elaborate  party 
machinery  for  nomination,  and  hence  the  creation  of  huge 
party  organizations  on  a  popular  basis. 

In  the  English  system  of  parliamentary  government,  there 
fore,  party  works  within  the  regular  political  institutions, 
not,  indeed,  within  the  legal  institutions,  because,  as  writers 
on  the  British  constitution  never  weary  of  telling  us,  the 
cabinet  and  all  the  conventions  of  parliamentary  government 
are  quite  unknown  to  the  law,  but  within  and  as  a  part  of 
the  recognized  institutions  of  government.  The  machinery 
of  the  parliamentary  system  developed  out  of  the  party  life, 
and  is  simply  the  party  machinery  acting  as  an  organ  of  the 
State.  The  cabal  or  group  of  party  leaders,  for  example,  has 
become  the  treasury  bench.  In  fact,  so  faras  Parliament  is 
concerned,  the  machinery  of  party  and  of  government  are  not 
merely  consistent;  they  are  one  and  the  same  thing." 

In  America,  on  the  other  hand,  the  machinery  of  party  has 
rce  beenTerected  outside  of  the  regular  organs  of  gov 
ernment,  and  hence  it  is  less  effective  and  more  irregular  in 
its  action.  If  in  England  a  member  of  the  majority  in  the 
House  of  Commons  refuses  to  support  an  important  measure 
upon  which  the  cabinet  insists,  and  if  enough  of  his  colleagues 
share  his  opinion  to  turn  the  scale,  the  consequence  must  be  a 
change  of  ministry  or  a  dissolution;  but  under  similar  circum- 
l__  stances  in  America  no  such  dire  results  will  follow.  The 
measure  will  simply  he  lost,  but  the  member  can  retain  his 
seat  undisturbed  till  the  end  of  his  term,  and  the  administra 
tion  will  go  on  as  before.  Hence  the  difficulty  in  carrying 
out  party  platforms,  and  the  discredit  into  which  they  have 
fallen  in  consequence,  j  Moreover,  a  platform,  however  elabo 
rate,  can  not  include^more  than  a  small  part  of  the  matters 
that  arise  in  CongressX  The  general  public  are  interested  in 
few  things,  and  these  alone  find  a  place  in  the  platform.  For 
the  rest,  even  the  moral  compulsion  that  attaches  to  a  party 

"The  Knglish  party  organizations  outride  of  Parliament,  the  National  Liberal  Federa 
tion,  the  National  Union  of  Conservative  Associations,  and  the  local  organizations,  really 
exist  in  order  to  nominate  members  of  Parliament  in  the  constituencies  and  to  carry  elec 
tions  by  propagating  the  policy  laid  down  by  the  leaders  in  Parliament.  They  neither 
select  the  leaders  nor  formulate  their  policy,  and  the  nearest  approach  to  an  attempt  to 
do  so,  in  the  adoption  of  the  Newcastle  programme,  proved  to  be  a  very  serious  injury 
to  the  Liberal  j»arty. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        347 

declaration  of  faith  is  lacking,  and  hence  it  is  exceedingly 
difficult  to  bring  about  party  cohesion  in  such  matters. 

The  system  of  committees  in  American  legislative  bodies  ' 
terms" also  to  remove  melcsnres  from  the  field  of  party  politics, 
for  the  committees  to  which  bills  are  referred  are  always  com 
posed  of  members  of  both  parties,  and  although  it  sometimes 
happens  in  Congress,  in  the  case  of  a  tariff  bill,  for  example,  that 
the  majority  and  minority  of  a  committee  virtually  meet  sepa 
rately,  so  that  the  bill  when  reported  is  really  a  party  measure, 
this  is  an  exceptional  procedure  even  in  Congress,  and  in  many 
of  the  State  legislatures  it  is  entirely  unknown.  The  work 
of  the  committees  is  usually  in  the  nature  of  compromise; — 
and  if,  as  is  often  the  case,  the  report  of  a  committee  is  unani 
mous,  or  the  divisions  among  the  members  do  not  run  on  party 
lines,  it  is  obviously  impossible  to  treat  the  bill  when  reported  as 
a  party  measure.  In  Parliament,  on  the  contrary,  the  great  leg 
islative  committee  is  the  cabinet,  and  every  bill  it  introduces  is 
of  necessity  a  party  measure  so  far  as  its  own  side  of  the  House 
is  concerned.  If  seriously  opposed,  the  resistance  is  almost 
certain  to  come  from  the  other  side,  so  that  the  fight  is  likely 
to  be  conducted  on  party  lines.  With  the  present  tendency 
to  leave  the  initiative  to  the  Government,  this  is  getting  to  be  \ 
true  of  almost  all  important  questions. j>  But  the  conditions  in 
the  United  States  effectually  prevent  such  a  result,  and  party 
issues  can  in  the  nature  of  things  cover  only  a  small  part  of 
legislation.  r^ 

All  this  applies  with  still  greater  force  to  the  States.  /  The 
parties  in  America  are  essentially  national  parties.  They  exist 
primarily  to  elect  the  President,  and  only  in  a  secondary  degree 
to  elect  State  officers!  Hence  they  are  divided  mainly  upon 
national  issues,  and  it  is  difficult  for  them  to  take  sides  upon 
questions  of  State  legislation  without  drawing  lines  that  cut 
across  the  regular  party  lines,  and  offend  a  certain  number  of 
their  adherents.  Thus  it  happens  that  the  members  of  most  of 
the  State  legislatures  are  elected  on  party  lines  that  have  com 
paratively  little  connection  with  the  questions  they  are  called  > 
upon  to  decide.  The  same  thing  is  true,  and  for  the  same 
reason,  of  the  English  borough  councils,  which  are  usually 
elected  on  party  lines,  but  not  usually  divided  upon  them  in 
their  actual  work;  and  it  is  noteworthy  that  in  a  provincial 
borough  council  the  absence  of  party  from  the  deliberations 


348  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

is  referred  to  with  pride.  To  say  that  there  is  polities  in  a 
council  is  a  term  of  reproach,  as  it  is  in  America,  because  it 
usually  implies  personal  -politics  rather  than  a  difference  of 
opinion  on  public  policy. 

It  has  been  argued  that  party  exists  in  America  in  order  to 
bring  about  an  accord  among  public  bodies  that  were  made 
independent  by  the  Constitution;  to  force  into  harmonious 
action  the  various  representatives  of  the  people;0  but  it  would 
seem  more  correct  to  say  that  party  exists  primarily  to  select 
those  representatives,  j  It  does  no  doubt  exert  an  important 
influence  in  helping  the  public  bodies  to  cooperate,  but  it  does 
not  and  can  not  exert  the  same  direct  pressure  upon  its  mem 
bers  here  that  it  can  in  England,  and  hence  it  is  tempted  to 
i  resort  to  other  means  of  consolidating  its  authority  and  main 
taining  party  cohesion.*  The>_inost  obvious  means  jsjpatron- 
age,  in  the  form  of  appointments  to  public  office,  and  that  is 
one  of  the  reasons  why  it  is  more  difficult  to  get  rid  of  the 
spoils  system  in  America  than  in  England.^ 

This  brings  us  to  the  problem  already  suggested,  the  attempt 
to  explain  the  prevalent  impression  that  party  is  more  power 
ful  and  despotic  in  America  than  in  England.  But  first  we 
must  repeat  that  tlie  amount  of  irritation  produced  by  partisan 
dictation  depends,  not  upon  the  extent  of  that  dictation,  but 
upon  the  question  whether  it  is  felt  to  be  justifiable  or  not. 
A  very  strenuous  exertion  of  party  pressure  for  a  legitimate 
purpose  will  not  cause  as  much  complaint  as  a  far  smaller 
pressure  for  an  object  felt  to  be  improper.  >  Few  sensible 
people  object  to  a  caucus  of  members  of  Congress  to  deter 
mine  the  attitude  of  a  party  upon  the  currency,  but  everyone 
resents  the  appointment  of  a  grossly  unfit  postmaster  because 
he  happens  to  have  a  pull  on  an  influential  politician:  and 
herein  there  is  a  great  deal  of  popular  confusion  between 
the  party  and  the  machine,  because  people  do  not  com 
prehend  the  relation  that  the  machine  hears  to  the  party, 
or  the  class  of  matters  with  which  it  deals.  The  experience 
of  the  writer  on  the  Boston  school  board  at  a  time  when  an 
effort  was  made  to  get  politics  out  of  the  schools  may  serve 
as  an  example.  There  was.  unfortunately,  a  good  deal  of 
politics  in  the  board,  but  this  did  not  mean  that  the  board  was 

"e.  K.  Henry  Jones  Ford's  Rise  and  Growth  of  American  Politics,  a  book  full  of  pene 
trating  suggestions.  See  also  Professor  (Joodnow's  Politics  mid  Administration,  which 
develops  the  same,  idea  from  u  ditYerent  point  of  view. 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PARTY  UPON  LEGISLATION.   349 

run  on  party  lines,  and  it  was  not  always  easy  to  make  people 
understand  the  distinction.  As  a  matter  of  faet,  there  were 
very  few,  if  any,  strict  party  votes  during'  the  whole  period. 
Moreover,  the  party  machines  were  never  opposed  to  each 
other,  although  they  were  sometimes  quite  ready  to  act 
together.  Nor  did  they  ever  interfere  with  any  question  of 
public  policy,  but  solely  in  personal  matters  relating  to  appoint 
ments  to  positions  under  the  board.  Now,  this  is  a  sample  of 
what  commonly  happens,  and  is  as  commonly  misunderstood. 
It  is  often  stated  that  in  the  State  legislatures  the  party  boss, 
or  the  party  caucus,  dictates  the  action  of  the  party  on  pend 
ing  measures,  and  then  carries  it  into  effect  by  a  party  vote, 
so  that  legislation  is  really  the  work  of  the  machine. a 

That  this  is  an  error  is  proved  by  the  statistics.  If  it  were 
true,  Pennsylvania,  which  possesses  the  most  centralized  kind 
of  machine — a  boss — ought  to  have  in  her  legislature  a  long 
series  of  party  votes,  but  in  fact  she  has  almost  none.  It  is 
not  true,  because,  in  the  first  place,  the  machine  rarely  con 
trols  more  than  a  part  of  the  members  of  the  party,  and  in 
the  second  place,  the  machine  meddles  very  little  with  general  ^ 
legislation. >  It  knows  that  to  attempt  to  dictate  to  its  fol 
lowers  on  general  legislation  would  only  weaken  its  authority 
over  them,  and  hence  it  confines  its  attention  to  the  distribu 
tion  of  spoils,  to  laws  that  bear  upon  electoral  machinery,  and 
to  such  bills  as  affect  directly  the  persons  from  whom  it  draws 
its  revenue.  It  has,  indeed,  been  pointed  out  that  the  very 
position  of  the  boss  depends  upon  the  fact  that  parties  exist_ 
for  public  objects,  while  he  exists  for  private  ones^and  this 
is  so  well  recognized  that  the  great  corporations  which  desire 
to  obtain  either  improper  legislation  or  protection  against 

a  Professor  Goodnow,  in  his  Politics  and  Administration  (p.  170),  quotes  with  ap 
proval  Mr.  Horace  E.  Deming  assaying:  " The  deliberative  functions  of  the  legislature 
as  conceived  by  the  '  fathers '  have  absolutely  ceased  to  exist  for  many  purposes.  It 
registers  automatically  the  will  of  a  third  party,  and  as  little  the  results  of  its  own  delib 
erations  as  the  electoral  college.  The  form  of  a  legislature  survives,  but  the  substance 
and  the  spirit  have  vanished.  *  *  *  The  legislative  power  *  *  *  is  exercised  by 
one  man  or  a  small,  self-constituted  group,  through  dummies  who  are  still  in  name 
representatives  of  the  people." 

Another  example,  from  quite  a  different  source,  may  be  found  in  a  recent  pamphlet 
advocating  the  referendum  on  behalf  of  working  men,  and  entitled  "  Majority  Rule." 
(Amer.  Federationist,  Vol.  IX,  No.  H.)  In  it  the  author,  Mr.  George  H.  Shibley,  says 
(p.  3):  "  From  the  foregoing  it  is  clear  that  on  all  important  bills  the  vote  of  each  legis 
lator  is  controlled,  not  by  his  own  judgment,  but  by  the  decision  of  the  party  caucus,  the 
control  of  which  is  in  the  machine  that  selects  the  nominees." 

ft  See  an  article  on  "The  American  Boss,"  by  Judge  Francis  C.  Lowell,  in  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  for  September,  1900. 


350  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 

unscrupulous  attack  subscribe  impartially  to  the  campaign 
funds  of  both  political  parties.  In  short,  as  the  ward  heeler 
tersely  expresses  it,  "There  is  no  politics  in  politics."  This 
is  the  aspect  of  public  life  that  provokes  an  outcry  from 
reformers.  It  is  what  Minghetti,  writing  of  Italy,  called  the 
undue  interference  of  parties  in  affairs  that  ought  to  lie  out 
side  their  field.  'Parties  in  America  are  not,  as  a  rule,  despotic 

fon  public  questions,  because  they  have  little  cohesion;  but 
their  influence,  or  rather  the  influence  of  the  machine,  or  of 
the  individual  politician,  is  freely  exerted  in  things  quite  apart 
from  those  issues  of  public  policy  which  form  the  only  rational 

(ground  for  party  activity. 

Every  attentive  observer  must  have  remarked  the  much 
greater  complaint  of  party  politics  in  the  government  of  our 
great  cities  than  in  the  legislatures  of  most  of  the  States. 
But  that  is  not  surprising  when  one  considers  how  few  ques 
tions  of  general  public  policy  come  before  the  city  councils. 
Most  questions  of  municipal  policy  are,  in  fact,  carefully  kept 
out  of  their  control,  and  decided  by  the  State  legislature 
itself.  On  the  other  hand,  the  councils  have  had  far  greater 
opportunities  than  the  legislatures  for  personal  politics  in  the 
form  of  patronage  and  jobbery,  and  in  these  the  machine  has 
had  a  baneful  sway.  It  is  here  that  the  field  for  legitimate 
party  action  has  been  least,  and  for  improper  influence  has 
been  greatest,  and  hence  it  is  in  the  cities  that  indignation  at 
party  tyranny  has  been  hottest. 

A  comparison  of  England  and  America  shows  that  the  influ 
ence  of  party  upon  legislation  is  on  the  whole  much  greater  in 
England  than  in  the  United  States,  but  that  it  is  more  closely 
confined  to  public  measures.  Each  of  these  conditions  has  its 
evils,  some  upon  the  surface,  others  less  obvious,  though  not 
less  potent.  But  it  is  no  part  of  the  object  of  this  paper  to 
describe  them,  still  less  to  attempt  to  weigh  them  in  the 
balance  or  suggest  remedies  for  them.  The  first  effort  of  the 
student  of  government  to-day  must  be  to  discover  the  facts, 
in  the  faith  that  tiny  light  thrown  upon  political  conditions 
can  not  fail  to  help  toward  a  wise  solution  of  the  problems 
they  involve. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.       351 


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THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        359 


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THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PARTY  UPON  LEGISLATION.   363 


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navv)  . 

i  Same,  amend,  (contract  need  not  be  made  before  Gov.  ship] 
officer)  to  bill. 
Supply,  reduc.  of  approp.  for  dissenting  Prot.  ministers  in  Irel 
i  Same,  original  annrnn 

j  Same,  approp.  for  charitable  allowances  in  Ireland  
]  Charitable  trusts  bill,  3  R.,  3  mos.  (vs.)  
ISame,  amend,  (to  except  voluntary  schools  from  act)  
Small  tenements  rating  bill,  to  add  cl.  (see  No.  270)  
Same.  adi.  of  Hnnsp 

Baron  de  Rothschild,  oath  of,  adj.  of  debate  to  Monday,  am< 
till  5  o'clock  to-day,  (vs.) 
Same.  adi.  of  debate  till  Mondav  .  . 

ps  
speaker  ask  him  if  willin 

i  Old  Testament  
;  Marlborough  house  on  Pr] 

pay  of  naval  officers  
Cvs.t 

to  Ireland)  
election  issue,  amend,  that 

with  a  Lords  amend  
amend  

to  settle  Marlborough  Hous< 

'  House  
leave  chair,  adj.  of  debate  . 
,  ad  j  .  of  debate  
(England)  

Attorneys'  certificates  bill,  3  R.,  3  mos.  (vs.')  
Same,  3  mos.,  amend.  Friday  next,  (vs.)  
Medical  charities  (Ire.)  bill,  amend,  on  dispensary  di 
Same,  another  amend,  to  same  cl.,  2d  amend,  (vs.)  . 
Same,  still  another  amend,  same  cl.  (vs.  )  
Income  tax,  motion  to  abolish  duties  in  Schedule  B  . 
Compound  householders  bill.  2  R.,  3  mos.  (vs.)  
Sunday  trading  bill,  2  R.,  3  mos.  (vs.)  
Copyholds  enfranchisement  bill  (in  com.),  that  chai 
chair. 

H  P  lill 

fills  SS1| 

£2.«~§  .   «!!  3  o  2 
x-5<2&  ^s-SS 
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-l|||a|l|||: 

Ji,  E    C3    Q    V  *g    0,3    Q    S    73 

ccPQ     ccG^    coO-ooOQ 

Parl.  voters  (Ire.)  bill,  agreement 
Same,  disagreement  with  a  Lords 
Queen's  message,  2  R.,  of  motion 
Prince  of  Wales. 

Municipal  corps  (Ire.)  bill,  adj.  o 
Sunday  trading  bill,  that  speaker 
Inspection  of  coal  mines  bill,  2  R. 
Supply,  approp.  for  eccles.  comrs. 

§  ai 


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(Ire.)  bill.  2  R.,  adj.  of  debate  
a.  l  ._ 

t  (Ire.),  continuance  (No.  2),  leave  to  bri 
te. 
xitors  in  C'uffe  Savings  Bank  
motion  that  he  is  not  entitled  to  sit,  amei 
ice  bill  to  declare  the  law.  (vs.) 

use  will  next  session  consider  relief  of  Je 
bill,  2  R.  of  new  cl.  (affixing  stamps  af 

ill,  in  com.,  that  speaker  leave  chair  
innuity  bill,  amend,  to  reduce  £12,000 

ary  received  to  be  deducted  from  annuil 
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•  i  bill  nun  'in!  to  cl  10  iiiiiiiliticntiMiisi 

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t  bill,  that  chairman  leave  chair  
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t  (Ire.),  continuance  (No.  2)  bill.  2  R.,  3m 

ew  cl.  (validating  regulations  of  comrs.) 
amend.  (  pa  vments  on  death),  (vs.)... 

11  '2  R  X  inns  (  v«»  \ 

(Ire.),  continuance  (No.  2)  bill,  that  speal 

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tinue  the  board  
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ballot  to  have  a  mark  and  counterfoil)  . 
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re  1881,  instead  of  1882).  (vs.)  
part  of  bill  
ate  of  dismissal  on  liberation)  
by  Govt.  officials)  
eport  bill  to  House... 

eave  the  chair  
bill,  amend.  "Mondav  next."  (vs.)  .. 
t  to  issue  only  on  affidavit)  
apply  to  acts  committed  after  Sep.  30 

out  "treason  felony."  (vs.)  
out  "treasonable  practices."  (vs.)... 
to  apply  to  publications  punishable  at 
'  provided  such  person  is  in  Ireland  of  h 
t  to  state  crime),  2d  amend,  "with  pa 
ebate. 

lilting  prisoners  to  associate  together  . 
of  lenient  prison  treatment  
rules  to  belaid  before  Parl.  within  7,  ins 

I  before  Parl.  to  contain  place  and  tim 
how  date  of  arrest,  period  of  detention 
amends,  be  put  at  7  o'clock  this  dav.  . 
prisoners  to  be  reconsidered  every  1 

| 

s 

t 
-= 

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id.  (decision  to  be  laid  before  Parl.) 
blic  meetings  free  unless  previously  for 
lend,  (vs.)  .. 

by  and  with  ad  vice  of  the  privy  council  i 
power  to  change  form  of  warrants,  (v 
tpplv  only  to  adult  men)  
?e  Sep.  30  to  Jan.  1.  (See  No.  72.)  (vs. 

,  that  ques.  be  now  put  

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[Conservatives,  268;  Lib.  Unionists,  49; 

Question 

Queen's  speech,  amend,  on  depressed  condition  of  trade  and  ag 
Same,  amend,  against  jwnver  of  House  of  Lords  to  reject  bills  . 
Same,  amend,  (reconsideration  of  cases  of  convictions  unc 
treason  felony  act). 
Same,  amend,  condemning  admr.  of  law  in  Ireland,  that  ques. 
now  put. 
S>imi>  Mini'iicl  nut 

Supplv.  suppl.  approp.  for  embassies  abroad  
Same,  to  omit  Becbuanaland  grant  in  aid  
Same,  that  speaker  leave  chair,  amend,  (accidents  caused 
carrying  pistols  calls  for  legislation),  (vs.) 
Same,  reduc.  of  approp.  for  science  and  art  buildings,  So.  K< 
singlon. 
Same,  reduc.  of  approp.  for  rent  of  legation,  etc.,  in  China  
Business  of  the  House,  motion  for  select  com.  on  procedure... 
Home  rule  for  Scotland,  motion  in  favor  of  
Old  age  pensions  bill,  2  R.,  adj.  of  debate  
East  London  water  bill,  2  R.,  (5  mos.  (vs.)  
Sittings  of  the  House,  that  proceedings  on  appt.  of  com.  on  Scot 
bills  be  not  interrupted. 
Standing  com.  (  Scot  I  imipnd  onnosinjritspnMiHnn  nrli  nfri<»hi 

Same,  adi.  of  House  
Supply,  tnat  speaker  leave  chair,  amend.  (State  should  acqu 
royalty  rents  and  way  leaves),  (vs.) 
Business  of  the  House,  that  "  for  remainder  of  the  session  "  G< 
business  have  priority  on  Tuesday,  etc.,  amend,  "until  \\'\ 
suntide."  (vs.) 
Same,  amend,  to  strike  out  that  Gov.  business  have  priority,  (v 
San  c.  main  <iue^.  nut  .  . 

Land  tenure  (Ire.)  bill.  2  R.,  amend,  land  legislation  in  Irela 
inexpedient  pending  inquiry,  (vs.) 
Fruit  indfiitifirMtioii  bill  •>  R 

Adjournment  to  discuss  relief  of  agr  c.  depression  
Army  (ami.)  bill,  that  cl.  3  (prices  for  billeting)  stand  part  of  1 

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estate  (vs.) 
Prevention  of  cruelty  to  children  bill,  amend,  to  add  new  subsect 
Same  Amend,  (powers  of  inspector  to  extend  wherever  training 
of  a  child  authorized). 
Same,  amend,  (no  license  required  from  parent  or  guardian)... 
Same,  amend,  (children  not  to  be  employed  at  entertainments 
where  liquor  sold),  (vs.) 
Business  ofthe  House,  that  Govt.  have  priority  on  Wednesday 
etc.,  amend,  (not  until  Govt.  programme  is  known),  (vs  )  ' 
Same,  main  ques.  put 
Supply,  approp.  for  Uganda  
Finance  bill,  cl.  l,  amend,  (act  not  to  include  settlement  prior 
thereto;. 
Same,  amend,  (duties  to  be  levied  at  same  rates  HS  existing  pro 
bate  duties),  (vs.) 
Same.  cl.  2,  verbal  amend,  (vs.)  .. 
sitting  of  the  HoiLse,  adj.  till  Thursday... 
Finance  bill,  cl.  2,  amend,  (act  to  apply  to  power  of  annt  bv  will 
only  when  exercised). 
Same,  amend,  (act  not  to  apply  to  leases  for  lives) 
Same,  amend,  toleaveout  paragraph  (c),cl.2  (describing  certain 
classes  of  propert  y  )  .  (  vs.  ) 
Same  amend,  to  exempt  certain  persons  
same,  amend  to  exempt  property  passing  between  husband  and 
wife,  2d  amend,  provided  shall  not  exceed  one-third  whole 
estate. 

Same,  amend,  to  add  "of  which  deceased  was  competent  to  dis 
pose."  (vs.) 

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it  the  oaths  be  administered  to  Willev  and  Van  Winkle,  Senators  from  W. 
.  of  H.  of  R.  that  when  House  adjourns  on  Fridav,  Dec.  18,  1863,  it  be  to  m 
1864. 
.  that  adj.  be  until  Jan.  5,  1864,  to  postpone  further  consideration  
h,  new  rule  requiring  Senators  to  take  the  oath  set  forth  in  act  of  July  2,  1 
>  refer  to  Com.  on  Judiciary, 
ciencv  approp.,  amend,  no  bounties  to  soldiers  except  those  now  provided 
for  enrolling  national  forces,  amend,  exempting  all  clergymen  

r>f  14  of  R  that  «rH  ht>  to  Tan  ?> 

to  prevent  Army  and  Navy  from  interfering  in  elections,  motion  to  refer 
idiciary. 
Dther  bill  for  enrolling  national  forces,  amend,  persons  drafted  who  furr 
ites  or  sum  required  to  be  discharged. 
Qe,  amend,  reported  by  Com.  on  Mil.  Aff.  to  abolish  discharge  of  persons  di 
ayment  of  $300. 
ic,  amend,  to  raise  commutation  for  a  drafted  person  from  $300  to  $500,  2d  a 

K>  motion  to  kjtriko  nut.  thp  nrnvisinn  for  f>nmrrmt*itinn 

ne,  amend,  commutation  moneys  to  form  a  fund  to  be  distributed  among  ot 
len. 
ne,  amend,  to  prescribe  services  to  which  ministers  and  others  opposed  to  be 
lall  be  assigned;  2d  amend,  to  strike  out  words  "  ministers  of  the  gospel." 

m>  this  urnpnrl  HM  suncndcfl 

ne,  amend,  classification  of  forces  bv  ages,  etc  
ae,  amend.no  person  drafted  shall  again  be  liable  until  present  enrollmen 
ne,  amend,  assessing  on  drafted  persons  incapable  of  service  a  sum  gradi 
icome. 
ne,  amend,  to  strike  out  section  regulating  fees  of  attorneys  and  physician 
ne,  amend,  repealing  so  much  of  act  of  Mar.  3,  1863,  as  allowed  money  co 
3r  draft, 
ne,  amend,  assessing  graduated  sums  on  drafted  men  not  serving  
ne,  amend,  raising  commutation  from  $300  to  $500;  2d  amend.  $400  
ne.  orier.  amend  .  .  ; 

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FIRST  SESSION—  Continued. 

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sions  of  U.  S.  courts  in  N.  Y.,  raoti 
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?nd.  on  salary  of  a  judge  in  N.  H.. 
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484  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


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ost  roads,  to  lay  on  table  
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j  till  Tuesday  
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m  table... 

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vt.  for  Montana,  to  insist  011  disagreem 
ustoms  duties,  to  suspend  rules  and  int 
idj  .  .  . 

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elief  of  widow  of  Gen.  Stevens,  passage  
elief  of  Josiah  O.  Armes,  passage  
n  ndi 

ay  mileage,  etc.,  to  claimants  of  seats  from  Va. 
suring  suppression  of  certain  newspapers  in  N.  \ 
ve,  etc.,  approp.  bill,  Sen.  amend,  on  salary  of  T 
rencv  b  11,  to  lay  on  table  
n.  amend,  on  amount  of  currency  to  be  issued, 
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refer  to  (Join,  on  Rebel  States  .  . 

peed  7  punishment  of  guerrillas,  to  introduce  un 
,  Yen  main,  of  Kv.,  entitled  to  seat  
mend  charter  of  D.  of  C.,  to  lay  on  table  reconsu 

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n  table  

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THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PAETY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        443 


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Res.  States  in  rebellion  not  entitled  to  choose  electors 
Bill  to  repeal  fugitive  slave  laws,  passage  
Bill  to  forbid  certain  sales  of  gold,  to  lay  on  table  moti 
table. 

Sundry  civil  approp.  bill,  to  strike  out  enacting  clause 
Same,  "to  lay  on  table  motion  to  reconsider  this  vote  .  . 
Const,  amendment  on  slavery,  adoption  (two-thirds  in 
Internal-revenue  bill,  amend,  on  salary  of  assessors.  .  . 
Same  motion  to  adi  . 

t-  i   ;s,s  ;• 

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Same,  amend,  method  of  proving  claims  

Samp  tnlnvhill  mi  tahlp 

Same,  motion  to  adj  
Same,  to  dispense  with  further  action  under  a  call  of  ] 

Bill  to  incorporate  Metrop.  Ry.  Co.  in  D.  of  C.,  amend, 
sion  on  ground  of  color. 
Sfl.m  p  nns«fl  e-e 

Res.  to  authorize  amending  contract  with  Ericsson  for 
Bill  for  navy-yard  at  New  London,  Conn.,  to  lay  on  ta 
pone. 
Res.  to  revoke  permits  to  trade  in  rebellious  States,  to 
Sundry  civil  approp.  bill,  amend,  pay  of  clerk  of  com. 
Bill  for  relief  of  H.  S.  Brinton,  to  postpone  
Bill  on  enrolling  nat.  forces,  etc.  to  reiect.  .  . 

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direct  tax  of  18(51,  motion  to  take  up  exec.  I 
to  take  up  exec,  business  
to  add  tax  on  raw  cotton  
sums  to  be  refunded  by  U.  S.  direct  to  perse 

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to  strike  out  no  2d  grant  to  State  not  accou 

orate  a  Wash.  Elect.  Ry.  Co.,  consideration  . 

.  rails  to  be  of  Amer.  manufacture  
.  tax  of  10  per  cent  (instead  of  4  per  cent)  on 
.  to  leave  out  tracks  on  certain  streets  

imuit  Kill 

.  franchise  to  be  granted  to  highest  bidders. 

tax  to  increase  graduaiiy  from  4  per  cent  t( 
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Same,  amend,  stock  to  be  subscribed  and  work  begun  within  fixed 
Same,  amend,  all  laborers  to  be  citizens  of  U.  S  
Same,  amend,  act  not  to  involve  U.  S.  in  pecuniary  obligations  
Same,  nassa^e  .  . 

General  pension  bill  for  soldiers  totally  incapacitated,  amend.  wh< 
support. 
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Pension  bill  for  Mrs.  Painter,  amend.  increa,sin£r  tho.  nonsion 

Bill  to  create  Bureau  of  Animal  Industry,  amend,  its  power  to  exte 
Bill  to  allow  sale  of  mining  lands  to  aliens,  amend,  maj.  of  partner 
Same,  passage... 

Adiournment  to  Mondav  .. 

Bill  for  admission  of  So.  Dakota,  amend,  to  admit  Dak.  undivided 

Same,  nsissaire 

Bill  to  forfeit  lands  granted  to  R.  Rs.,  amend,  saving  rights  of  pure 
Same,  amend.  Ont.  and  Brule  Riv.  R.  R.  not  to  be  excepted  
Same,  amend,  confirming  title  to  lands  sold;  2d  amend,  these  titles  1 
amend,  on  table. 
Same,  to  lav  orig.  amend,  on  table  

Same,  amend,  to  strike  out  "  in  the  degree  herein  specified  " 
Urgent  deficiency  approp.  bill,  amend  to  strike  out  that  Publ 
Same,  amend,  to  add  $60,000  for  asst.  custodians  
Same,  same  amend  .  .  . 

Adjournment  to  Mondav  
General  pension  bill,  amend,  incapacity  may  be  from  old  agt 
Same,  amend,  to  extend  to  veterans  of  Mexican,  etc.,  wars.. 
Same,  amend,  (made  in  Com.  of  Whole/to  strike  out  "totall 
Same,  oassaee  .  . 

Res.  for  select  com.  to  examine  into  civil  service  
Bill  for  classification,  etc.,  of  imports,  amend,  to  strike  out  c< 
Bill  for  monument  to  negro  soldiers,  passage  
Bill  on  grade  of  commander  in  Navv,  consideration  
Same,  nassae^e  . 

Bill  to  provide  for  purchase  of  U.  S.  bonds  bv  Sec.  of  Treas., 
notes  to  be  issued,  to  lay  on  table. 
Same,  same  amend,  save  that  new  notes  legal  tender  only  to 
Same,  adootion  of  last  amend 

Bill  for  relief  of  Admiral  Carter,  passage  
Bill  allowing  bridge  at  Memphis,  amend,  to  increase  width  o 
Same,  amend,  bridge  may  be  used  for  wagons  at  option  of  co 
Bill  to  provide  for  purchase  of  U.  S.  bonds,  etc.,  to  recommit 
Bill  to  grant  to  R.  R.  right  of  way  in  Ind.  Ter.,  consideration 
Same,  nassaee... 

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Bill  to  organize  Terr,  of  Oklahoma,  to  refer  to  Com.  01 
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Res.  for  com.  to  revise  laws  on  election  of  members  of 
Bill  to  refund  direct  taxes,  to  reconsider  adoption  of  c 
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Same,  amend,  to  reimburse  P.  S.  Post  for  defending  h 
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Same,  amend,  to  pay  Col.  claims  for  lands  
Same,  amend,  to  pay  claims  of  steamship  cos  
Same,  amend,  to  pav  Neb.  claims  for  lands  
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Fifty-sixth  Congress  —  Senate. 
FIRST  SESSION. 

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Res.  asking  for  communications  with  Aguinaldo,  amend,  to  add  com 
munications  with  comrs.  on  treaty  with  Spain. 
Bill  for  Twelfth  Census,  to  agree  with  House  amend,  for  statistics  on 

f  and  blind. 
,  to  agree  with  House  amend,  for  statistics  on  mines  
y  with  Samoa,  res.  for  information,  to  refer  to  Com.  on  For.  Rela- 

birnet. 

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ity  with  Spain. 
»,  to  agree  to  conf.  report  
govt.  for  Alaska,  amend.  Sec.  of  Int.  to  make  rules  for  mining,  etc.  . 
.  of  Porto  Rico  bill,  amend,  for  free  coinage  of  silver  
i,  amend,  to  omit  provision  for  duty  of  5  cts.  per  Ib.  on  coffee  im- 
ted  into  Porto  Rico. 
;,  to  omit  provision  for  15  per  cent  of  U.  S.  duty  between  U.  S.  and 
rto  Rico. 
?,  amend,  (peso  to  be  redeemed  at  93J-  instead  of  00  cents)  
2,  amend.  Const,  and  laws  of  U.  S.  to  extend  to  Porto  Rico.  
},  amend,  assem.  to  have  no  power  to  enact  law  in  conflict  with 
S.  Const. 

'.'2    '•  >•    '•         ; 

:'or  from  Pennsylvania,  to  consider  res.  on  election  of  Mr.  Quay, 
f  of  Porto  Rico  bill,  amend.  Const,  was  extended  over  island 

ncy  bill,  amend,  authorizing  appt.  of  comrs.  to  any  internat 
ference. 
amend,  people  of  U.  S.  favor  bimet  
amend,  act  not  intended  to  place  obstacles  to  internationa 
amend,  on  standard  value  of  gold  coin,  to  lay  on  table  .  .  . 
amend,  gold  and  silver  dollars  to  be  legal  tender  at  nomim 
amend,  act  not  to  affect  legal  tender  of  silver  
amend,  to  repeal  tax  on  State-bank  circulation  
amend,  for  paying  off  nat.  debt  in  gold  and  silver  
amend,  for  free  coinage  of  silver  

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AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


Fifty-sixth  Congress  —  Senate  —  Continued. 
FIRST  SESSION—  Continued. 

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Same,  amend,  int.  rev.  laws  extended  over  Porto  Rico  
Same,  amend,  free  trade  between  I".  S.  and  Porto  Rico  
Same,  passage  
Govt.  of  Philippines  bill,  to  consider,  motion  toadj  
Same,  motion  to  >idi  . 

lii'lian  approp.  bill,  amend.  Sec.  of  Int.  may  contract  with  "conl 
•chools. 
Pacific  cable  bill,  amend,  to  omit  that  materials  be  of  Amer.  mfg.  .  . 
Nicaragua!!  Canal  bill,  to  consider  
Alaska  code  bill,  to  consider  
Same,  amend,  claims  to  land  to  originate  only  after  this  act  
Senator  from  Pa.,  res.  of  com.  Mr.  Quay  not  entitled  to  seat,  amen 
strike  out  "  not." 

-•,,,,,.  iiilnntiiiii  nf  row 

seating  Mr.  Scott  
athy  

ssary  Dept.  to  give  preference  to 

;  out  that  Commander  of  Army  1 

rps  shall  consist  of,  etc  
rom  each  State  "  
laval  cadet  has  finished  four  vea 
ted. 
>r  plate  can  not  be  purchased  i 

rmor  plate  from  8-H">  to  8300  per  to 
i  

Miiii4>,  M'j.)  per  ton  
Same,  amend,  on  armor  and  arnuunent  as  amended  
Hill  on  appointments  in  dependencies,  to  postpone  indetinitely  
Post-Office  approp.  bill,  amend,  pneumatic-tube  service  only  in  di 
tion  of  Postm.  Gen.,  to  lay  on  table. 

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THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        469 


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Privilege  of  the  floor,  to  lay  on  table  motion  to  grant  it  to  Boer  peace 
comrs. 
Post-Office  approp.  bill,  amend,  to  approp.  for  pneumatic  tubes,  no  new 
contracts  to  be  made. 
Same,  amend,  by  Mr.  Pettigrew,  to  reduce  payment  to  railroads  for  mails. 

Nipnrntrmi  Pnna'l  hill  to  ponsidpr 

Naval  approp.  bill,  agreement  to  conf.  report  
So.  African  Republic,  res.  of  sympathy,  to  refer  to  Com.  on  For.  Relations. 
Sundry  civil  approp.  bill,  amend,  to  increase  an  approp.  from  1100,000  to 
$250,000. 
Sioux  City  and  P.  R.R.  Co.  bill  (to  appoint  com.  on  debt  to  U.S.),  amend, 
com.  not  to  accept  less  than  full  sum  due. 
Same,  amend,  report  to  be  made  to  Congress  
Extradition  to  Cuba,  amend,  judge  to  be  satisfied  of  security  for  fair  trial.  . 
Bill  for  relief  of  J.  L.  Smithmever,  etc.,  passage  
Anfi-trnst  bill.  rpf.  to  Com.  on  .Indiciarv  

Emergency  river  and  harbor  bill,  to  agree  to  conf.  report  
Naval  approp.  bill,  amend,  on  purchase  and  manuf.  of  armor  plate  
Eight-hour  bill,  res.  to  discharge  com.,  to  lav  on  table  

SECOND  SI 

Ship-subsidy  bill,  to  consider  
Army  reorg.  bill,  amend,  on  Vet.  Corps  
Same,  amend,  to  substitute  "distilled  spirits"  for  "beer,"  etc.,  in  sect. 
40,  to  lay  on  table. 
Same,  a  brig.  gen.  in  Spanish  war  to  be  maj.  gen  
Same,  amend,  one-third  of  vacancies  created  to  be  filled  from  officers  of 
volunteers. 
Same,  amend,  no  further  force  to  be  used  in  the  Philippines  until  after 
amnesty,  to  lay  on  table. 
Same,  amend,  on  grade  of  cantain  .. 

Same,  amend,  to  strike  out  provisions  on  number  of  men  in  company,  etc. 
Same,  amend,  to  strike  out  that  Pres.  may  keep  Army  at  maximum 
strength  during  present  exigencies. 

Samp  flmpnd  net  tr>  p-vnirp  .Till  v  1  1903 

:    S 

Same,  amend.  President  to  disclaim  sovereignty  over  Philippines,  etc 
Same,  amend,  to  strike  out  sect,  on  enlisting  Philippinos  
Same,  amend.no  liquor  licenses  in  Philippines  and  no  liquor  to 
imported. 
Same,  amend,  no  liquor  to  be  imported  into  Philippines  
Same,  amend,  no  liquor  licenses  in  Philippines  
Same,  amend,  organization  of  Pav  Dept... 

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472  AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        473 


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474 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


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Silver!  tes. 

6 

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:  :     : 

1 

Cl     • 

^<Nri    7i    Ti7!  71  :_        :_  :  : 

!        I    ! 

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Democrats. 

6 
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S22S    -      I     ||  psg'-    SS5S    S 

1 

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Republicans. 

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Question. 

>r  armor  
tostrike  out  enacting  cl... 
special  order  

cl.  more  drastic  
ticle  artificially  raised  to 

her  State  to  file  accounts, 

ne,  passage  

isionsof  widows,  res.  for  information,  to  discharge  com.  from  consid.  of. 
idry  civil  approp.  bill,  to  concur  in  Sen.  amend.  (No.  134)  
ne,  to  concur  in  Sen.  amend.  (No.  183)  
iska  code  bill,  to  reconsider  agreement  to  conf.  report  
val  approp.  bill,  to  instr.  conferees  not  to  agree  to  amend.  18  
ne,  to  recede  from  disagreement  on  Sen.  amend.  No.  58  (contracts 
ir  armor). 

prop,  for  Mil.  Academv,  to  agree  to  conf.  report 
-in.-*of  House,  that  House  take  recess  till  9  to-morrow  (instead  of  8).. 
val  approp.  bill,  Sen.  amend.  No.  58  with  an  amend 
ne,  Sen.  amend.  No.  9  (surveys  of  Cuban  and  Phil,  waters)  with  an 
mend. 

journment  of  Congress,  Sen.  amends,  on  dav  and  hour  

val  approp.  bill,  Sen.  amend,  on  contracts  f 
1  for  commission  on  commerce  with  China, 
nst.  amend,  (election  of  Senators),  to  make 

ae,  ]'ii>--:iL.rc  
ti-trust  bill,  amend,  to  make  antimonopoly 
ne,  amend,  when  Prest.  satisfied  price  of  ai 
iivp.-nd  duties  upon  it. 

ne,  amend,  anycorp.  controlling  corp.  in  ot 
tc.,  with  r.  S.  Sec.  of  State, 
lie,  amend,  act  not  to  apply  to  trade  unions 

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THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        475 


i-H          i-H  <M  Ol  C*  i-l  iH 


f-l  r-(  CO  (M  (M  CO        iM  C<1        C- 


Ir-(COI^        CN  CO  C 
3C  l^ 


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47() 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


Fifty-sijcth  Congress  —  House  —  Continued. 
SECOND  SESSION—  Continued. 

Silverites.  Populists. 

6 

MiiMnchuKett*  Senate,  1899. 
[Republicans,  33:  Democrats,  7;  total,  40  —  governor,  Roger  Wolcott,  R.] 

i 

o 

a3 
6 

f      ~r  —  ~      cs 

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Republicans. 

0 

S2 

£                    ; 

0 

&     "*% 

Republicans.  Democrats. 

& 

-ssssszsss? 

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Party 
divisions. 

H  —  1- 

K 

< 

o    •  »c  f  ^  x  cc  I-H 

S  :SS?1SS    -    - 

^ 

:§ 

Question. 

56  Election  of  U.  S.  Senator: 

|,IM|LT 

Bill  to  license  gas  titters  in  Brookline,  to  substitute  general  bill  to  license  them  
Bill  for  public  school  teachers'  retirement  fund.  3  R  .. 

divisions. 

::rrrt|::::f  rrr 

<y 

•   •   •   •  c   

c      ; 

:1  : 

>ill  to  convey  land  to  heirs  of,  to  take  recess  till  1'2  o'clock, 
sular  Affairs,  authoritv  to  visit  Porto  Rico  

::::-::::: 

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M  111  M-  i 

!    !>  n    !    !  o 

ds,  second  dem 

i 

r  res.  ordering  speech  prii 
use  
11,  Sen.  amend.  No.  89  
service  bill,  to  go  into  Co 
.  on  motion  to  limit  debat 
Com.  of  Whole  
ion  bill,  Sen.  amend  
1,  prev.  quest,  on  motion 
m  table  
able  appeal  from  ruling, 
ds 

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THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        477 


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478 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


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£  £  £  7.  5.  7.  -7.  £  £  £  -7.  x  •/  ^  -  -  - 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  PARTY  UPON  LEGISLATION.   479 


^H  co  o  co  «o  im-  t-i  -.£> 


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AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


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THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        481 


New  York  State  Senate,  1899. 
[Republicans,  27;  Democrats,  23—  Governor,  Theodore  Roosevelt,  R.] 
ONE  HUNDRED  AND  TWENTY-SECOND  SESSION. 

Democrats. 

* 

Maaaaas,a     H-    |             HH 

1 

<Sl  <M             C$rHrH                                        rH  <N       OJ     •  iM             iH        rH           •       rH  T-I       ON 

» 

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C^C^I                     rH                     rH                                         rHr-l                            0s!                      rHrH                     rH 

i 

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fl 

^        ^              ^^^^    _           ^^    ^-^^ 

B 

||  iHMMmtmmMNmii 

*     1'     !• 

.  0     . 

Question. 

recommit  for  amend  

,  to  lay  this  on  table  
erce  

holding  town  meetings,  pi 

cials  
ept  art,  etc  

mayor's  veto  
er  mayor's  veto  

restrict  to  deleterious  subs 

sign,  passage  
amend,  to  strike  out  enac 

Res.  that  Whipple  be  clerk,  to  substitute  Douglass  
Res.  that  Ellsworth  be  temp,  prest.,  to  substitute  Gradv  
Vote  for  U.  S.  Senator: 

n^now  T* 

Murphy,  D  
Bill  to  enlarge  powers  of  Pan-American  Exposition  Company,  to 

Bill  on  rights  of  way  of  R.  Rs.  in  cities,  to  refer  to  com.  on  R.  Rs 
Same,  to  refer  to  com.  on  R.  Rs.  (instead  of  cities)  
Bill  to  reduce  certain  rates  of  ferriage,  to  refer  to  com.  on  comm 
Res.  in  favor  of  treaty  with  Spain  
Bill  to  revise  charter  of  Auburn,  passage  
Bill  on  time  of  holding  annual  elections  of  Dunkirk,  passage... 
Bill  legalizing  action  by  boards  of  supervisors  changing  time  of 
Bill  to  amend  executive  law  about  notarial  clerks,  passage  
Bill  on  minimum  capital  stock  of  insurance  cos.,  passage  
Bill  on  Pan-Amer.  Exposition,  amend,  to  provide  for  women  off 
Same,  amend,  exposition  not  to  be  open  Sunday,  2d  amend,  exc 
Same,  amend,  as  amended  

Bill  to  authorize  Syracuse  to  levy  a  tax  for  bridge,  passage  over 
Bill  on  time  of  holding  annual  elections  of  Dunkirk,  passage  ov 
Bill  to  regulate  telephone  charges,  to  recommit  
Bill  to  compensate  certain  owners  of  cattle,  passage  
Bill  to  regulate  druggists,  etc.,  passage  
Bill  on  contracts  for  electric  lighting  in  towns,  passage  
Same,  to  lay  reconsideration  on  table  
Bill  to  prevent  use  of  any  substitute  for  hops  in  beer,  amend,  to 

Bill  to  exempt  from  taxation  real  estate  of  Natl.  Academy  of  De 
Bill  to  amend  Greater  N.  Y.  act  in  regard  to  salaries  of  teachers 
Same,  passage.  .  .  

1 

-s  s  &3*s333gg|i;iSS3$3331§§§§§13 

H.  Doc.  702,  pt.  1 31 


482 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


New  York  State  Senate,  1899—  Continued. 
ONK  HUNDRED  AND  TWENTY-SECOND  SESSION—  Continued. 

Democrats. 

6 
K 

y 
< 

^'82      :    8-2*" 

S2    55  i'"0    5^2       522  :"jac~H;2J22c'l£} 

a* 

s  ja—aan- 

-a  ?!       s  3S~-«s- 

03 

2 

2 

:,:,--_           _____       _       ?,                ..       .__     ; 

OJ 

>, 

< 

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'S3    3S82 

5  '-5J"S5S-3 

Party 

Idivisions. 

»^—  .        ^^-.^.        —    ^- 

....::  c  ! 

:  :  :  :     :  :  :  :°     ::::::::  i  :  :  :  Z 
:  :  :  :     :  :  :  :g     ::::::::  :::;•£ 

;  j  !  i  i   i  I  i  i8   !  1  !•!  j  i  1  ;  !     ^ 

5 
y 

Bill  to  amend  tax  law  on  mortgages  of  real  estate,  to  disagree  with  adverse  report  of  com  

Same,  to  airree  to  com.  report... 

o  :::::  c  :::::::     : 

with  amends.  < 

i  ;a|a  15 

aiJililliji5!!!  ':- 

il  Mi 

•  -s^s  •? 

v  2  :  :  :  :2  : 
Sc  :  :  :  :.-  : 

55 

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i!  n  HI  i 

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nil 

2*  :  :     :>  : 

8 

J    | 

\y.     :  :  : 

•  . 

?    ^ 

1  on  street  surface  R.  Rs.  on  Amsterdam  avenue,  N.  \'< 
1  to  entitle  K.  B.  Seribner  to  examination  for  admissic 
1  to  change  time  of  holding  town  meetings,  passage  . 
1  to  prevent  mistakes  in  handling  IKHSOU,  passage  
1  to  provide  for  local  option,  etc.,  passage  
1  on  opening  a  certain  avenue  in  city  of  N.  Y.,  passag 
1  on  powers  of  county  boards  of  supervisors  over  tires 
me,  to  recommit  in  order  to  amend  

Ql  ,  !•  !"aue  .  . 

1  to  inror|M>ratc  Improved  Order  of  Red  Men,  to  reror 
ne.  luissaire.  .  . 

1  to  amend  Code  of  Civil  Procedure  on  attachment  in 

116.  I':t--aLfe  .  . 

1  to  prevent  monopolies  in  articles  of  common  use,  pa 
1  relating  to  certain  highway  corporations,  passage.. 
1  on  distribution  of  tax  paid  by  foreign  insurance  cor 
1  on  agric.  corns.,  call  of  senate  ... 

tion  to  suspend  rule  on  printing  journal  
1  on  use  of  surface  R.  R.  tracks  on  Amsterdam  ave 
vnole. 
1  on  assocs.  to  improve  horses,  passage  
1  to  amend  executive  law  on  atty.  gen.,  passage  
aie,  to  reconsider  '.  . 
ne.  call  of  senate  ... 

-i 
z 

B 

^    • 

S  I 

'-   r 

1  authorixing  practice  of  medicine  bv  certain  persons 
1  to  release  to  ().  W.  Robbins  certain  real  estate,  passii 
1  to  regulate  telephone  charges  in  State,  to  disagree  w 
oilier  bill  to  regulate  telephone  charges,  to  disable.  \ 
1  to  amend  (Jn-ater  New  York  charter  bv  excluding  c 
1  on  investments  of  savings  banks,  to  recommit  
i-t.  amend,  on  biennial  elections,  etc.,  motion  to  ami 
uling  sustained. 

BSiSiScPcS  l^sggg 

^  x  r:  <  r  ~  -_ 

1 

KBBSSIISSIS 

THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION. 


CO     '•     SoO^i-l^f-IONOOlCr^j-jOrHrH 


s  °    —  ' 


:  :  :  : 

jport  of  com  

River,  to  disagree  with  r< 

etc.,  passage  
tal,  to  recommit  

'ominit 

t  in  city  court  of  N.  Y.,  pt 
s  pupils,  passage  
assage  

o  protect  water  supply  in  St.  Lawrence  County,  passage  
n  charter  of  citv  of  Oswotro  Tmssnffe  . 

)  legalize  acts  of  fire  commissioner  of  Brooklyn,  passage  
n  dept,  of  street  cleaning  in  Greater  N.  Y.,  amend,  to  strike  out  enacting  cl  

npi  ssfl  0-f 

0  authorize  Rochester  to  raise  money  for  school  purposes,  passage  
n  civil  service  of  State,"  cities,  etc.,  passage  
)r  a  State  electric  plant,  to  suspend  rules  and  take  up  

elating  to  an  avenue  in  Brooklyn,  passage  '.  
o  extend  time  for  building  a  canal,  passage  
o  i  mend  election  law  on  use  of  voting  machines,  passage  
o  $  mend  act  relating  to  St.  Saviour's  Sanitarium,  passage  
n  ssessment  for  grading  an  avenue  in  City  of  N.  Y.,  passage  
n  dulteration  of  foods,  passage  
>r  i  transfer  tax  clerk  in  surrogate's  court  of  Ulster,  passage  
or  i  certain  transfer  tax  clerk,  passage  
id.  to  const,  (on  court  of  appeals),  passage  
>p.  for  more  land  in  Adirondack  Park,  passage  
or  relief  of  Young  Women's  Settlement  in  N.  Y.  Citv,  passage  
o  amend  acts  relating  to  size  of  apple  barrels,  etc.,  passage  
o  amend  acts  on  village  of  Seneca  Falls,  passage  

ai 

~   r 

~_    7 

^ 
C 

motion  for  recess  till  4  o'clock,  amend.  ^  
MIII  end  H  art 

:= 
\ 

z 
s 

~ 
•  cc 

— 

1 

3  permit  Astoria  Co.  to  carry  gas  and  elect,  across  East 

i 

fe 
I 

I 

1 

,  to  reconsider  agreement  to  report  
D  amend  Penal  Code  to  prohibit  use  of  trading  stamps 
o  amend  law  of  detective  agencies,  passage  
o  amend  banking  law  in  regard  to  impairment  of  capi 

r>n<5Sflfp 

id.  to  const,  biennial  sessions,  to  take  from  table  
n  surface  tracks  on  Amsterdam  avenue  in  N.  Y.,  to  re< 

• 

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/ 
- 

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-- 

j 

: 
j 

ii 

>  amend  Code  of  Civil  Proc.  on  warrants  of  attachmen 
t)  allow  Nat.  Conservatory  of  Music  to  charge  fees  to  it 
o  amend  acts  on  transportation  cos.  exceptingR.  Rs.,  p 
o  amend  State  charities  law,  passage  

4*4 


AMERICAN    HISTORICAL    ASSOCIATION. 


. 


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THE    INFLUENCE    OF    PARTY    UPON    LEGISLATION.        485 


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Res.  on  printing  copies  of  bill  No.  26  
Bill  to  authorize  cities  of  2d  class  to  issue  bonds 
Res  to  employ  Stivers  as  addl.  page  in  Sen  
Bill  to  authorize  cities  of  1st  class,  3d  grade,  to 
3  R.  now. 
Res  to  elect  addl.  clerk.  .  . 

Res  on  addl.  senate  officers,  amend,  addl.  porte 
Same,  adoption  of  res  .  . 

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Res  to  elect  addl.  porter.. 

Res.  for  appt.  of  Noble  as  addl.  porter,  to  postpo 
Bill  to  create  a  school  district,  motion  to  dispens 
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Same,  passage  
Res.  to  allow  stenographer  in  smoking  room  ... 

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Adjournment  till  Monday  
Bill  on  boards  of  review  in  cities,  to  reconsider  passage  
Bill  to  amend  act  to  abandon  Hocking  Canal,  passage  
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Bill  to  authorize  board  of  health  to  regulate 
Bill  to  create  board  of  claims,  passage  

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louse  of  Representatives: 
First  session  (Whigs  and  Democrats)  (Native  Ameri 
cans  not  counted)  M  '  •">  179  20  1«  14 
Second  session  (the  same)  31  H  49  16  \  14  11 

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t  the  heads  of  the  tables  of  votes,  are  inserted  merely  to  give 
course,  accurate  throughout  the  session  or  period  covered, 
ives  260,  Reformers  395;  1850,  Protectionists  217,  Peelites  104,  L 
es  263,  Liberals  385;  1881,  Conservatives  242,  Liberals  337,  Home 
nellite"  9;  1899,  Conservatives  337,  Liberal  Unionists  66,  Libera 
,  James  K.  Polk,  D.  Senate,  Whigs25,  Democrats  29.  House,  \\ 
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14  DAY  USE 

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